MEMOIRS 


OF  THE 

American  Museum  of  Natural 

History. 

Volume  III. 


ANTHROPOLOGY. 

II: 

I.  — Symbolism  of  the  Huichol  Indians. 
By  CARL  LUMHOLTZ. 


May,  1900. 


■f  • 


; 


anxaf 

91-B 

20739 


I.  — Symbolism  of  the  H uichol  Indians. 


By  Carl  Lumholtz. 
Maps,  Plates  I — IV. 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction  . 

PAGE 

3 

IV. 

Front-Shields,  continued. 

I. 

Brief  Sketch  of  the  Country  and  Tribe, 

5 

Front-Shields  of  Mother  West- 

II. 

Gods  and  their  Paraphernalia  ; Fetishes, 

24 

Water 

Images  and  Disks 

25 

Special  Front-Shields 

Staircase  of  the  Gods 

62 

V. 

Back-Shields 

Gods  in  the  Form  of  Small  Stones  . 

62 

Stiff  Mats 

Animals  belonging  to  the  Gods 

66 

Soft  Mats 

Chairs  and  Stools 

69 

VI. 

‘ Eyes  ’ 

Fetishes 

76 

VII. 

Votive  Bowls 

The  Two-headed  Serpent  . . . . 

80 

VIII. 

The  Ark  of  the  Deluge  Legend  . . 

III. 

Ceremonial  Arrows 

83 

IX. 

The  Shaman’s  Plumes,  and  Objects 

Arrows  of  Grandfather  Fire  . . . 

92 

connected  with  Feast-making  . 

Arrows  of  Great-grandfather  Deer- 

Shaman’s  Plumes 

Tail 

94 

Objects  connected  with  Feast- 

Arrows  of  Elder  Brother  .... 

95 

making 

Arrows  of  the  Corn  Mother  . . . 

99 

X. 

Facial  Paintings 

Arrows  of  Mother  East-Water 

99 

XI. 

Miscellaneous  Symbolic  Objects  . 

Arrows  of  Mother  West-Water  . . 

100 

XII. 

Conclusion 

Arrow  of  the  Mother  of  the  House 

Appendix 

of  the  Little  Ones 

101 

I.  Index  of  Prayers,  with  their  Repre- 

Arrows  of  Special  Makes  .... 

101 

sentative  Symbols 

IV. 

Front-Shields 

108 

II.  Index  of  Symbols  and  their  Significance. 

Front-Shields  of  Father  Sun  . . . 

I IO 

III.  Index  of  Objects  and  Ideas,  and  their 

Front-Shield  of  the  Corn  Mother  . . 

124 

Representative  Symbols 

Front-Shields  of  Mother  East-Water,  125  Errata 


PAGE 

130 

I31 

138 

138 

147 

154 

l6l 

169 

174 

04 

177 

196 

204 

209 

219 

219 

221 

225 

228 


The  following  alphabet  is  used  in  transcribing  Huichol  words 


a 

a 

in 

bar. 

d 

(( 

aw 

« 

law. 

ai  

(( 

i 

« 

find. 

au 

« 

ow 

« 

cow. 

b 

« 

b 

« 

babe. 

5 

(( 

th 

a 

think. 

d 

(( 

d 

« 

dread. 

e 

« 

e 

« 

they. 

e 

« 

e 

then. 

e 

(( 

e 

(( 

flotuer. 

/ 

« 

f 

« 

fife. 

& 

<( 

g 

goose. 

h 

(( 

h 

« 

house. 

i 

« 

i 

« 

marine. 

k 

« 

k 

« 

hick. 

/ is  always  thick,  almost  approaching  an  r pro- 
nounced with  the  tip  of  the  tongue,  like  the 
l of  the  peasantry  of  central  Norway.  It  is 
sometimes  interchanged  with  r. 


m like  m in  mum. 

n « n « nun. 

o « o « note. 


p like  p in  pipe. 

r « ■ r « run. 

s « s « sit. 

s « s/i  « shoe. 

t ... . « t « tit. 

ts « ch  « church. 

u ’ « oo  « good. 

it « it  « Ger.  fur. 

v « v « valve. 

w « w « wit. 

y « y « you. 

z « 2 « zero. 

t ch  « Ger.  Buch. 
X l^e  \ . 


" ( j « Span,  jota. 

Long  vowels  are  indicated  by  the  long  nrora, 
a,  e,  I,  6,  u. 

Vowels  that  do  not  form  diphthongs  are  sepa- 
rated by  a hyphen. 

A small  superior  letter  at  the  end  of  a word  or 
syllable  should  be  pronounced  very  slightly. 

Accents  are  placed  following  the  accented 
vowel. 


[^] 


INTRODUCTION. 


During  the  years  1890-98  I made  three  expeditions  to  Mexico  under  the 
auspices  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York,  spending 
altogether  more  than  five  years  in  researches  among  the  natives  of  the  north- 
western portions  of  that  country. 

Without  here  touching  upon  the  general  results  obtained  during  these  years, 
I shall  confine  myself  for  the  present  to  one  tribe  indigenous  to  the  Sierra  Maclre, 
the  Huichols,  of  whom  little  or  nothing  was  known  up  to  the  time  of  my  arrival 
among  them  in  1895.  I visited  these  Indians  on  my  second  expedition,  and  spent 
ten  months  among  them,  and  their  neighbors  the  Cora  Indians,  this  period 
covering  the  greater  part  of  the  year  1895  and  the  beginning  of  1896.  During 
this  time  I gained  valuable  information  concerning  these  people,  and  collected 
a vast  number  of  ethnological  as  well  as  some  archaeological  objects,  that  shed 
much  light  on  the  state  of  their  culture  and  their  relationship  to  other  tribes. 
A short  preliminary  report  on  the  Huichol  Indians,  whom  I was  the  first  to 
study,  appeared  in  the  Bulletin  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
January,  1898.  Soon  afterwards,  in  the  spring  of  1898,  I visited  the  Huichols 
a second  time,  under  the  same  auspices,  in  order  to  supplement  the  material  in 
hand,  and  to  settle  some  doubts  that  had  arisen  in  my  mind  while  working  up  my 
notes.  Much  additional  information  was  thus  secured,  and  the  collections  con- 
siderably enlarged.  Some  of  the  results  of  my  studies  of  these  people  are  pre- 
sented in  the  following  pages.  In  weighing  the  value  of  this  contribution,  it 
should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  interpretation  of  the  symbolism  was  obtained 
from  the  natives  themselves. 

For  the  accompanying  sketch-map  of  the  country  of  the  Huichols  and 
Coras,  more  than  approximate  accuracy  is  not  claimed.  It  is  based  on  notes 
taken  during  my  travels  ; and,  as  it  is  practically  the  first  attempt  at  a map  of 
that  section,  I beg  the  reader’s  indulgence  for  shortcomings,  that,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, were  unavoidable.  The  illustrations  are  from  drawings  made  by  Mr. 
Rudolf  Weber. 

Carl  Lumholtz. 

March,  1900. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/symbolismofhuichOOIumh 


A 


MAP  SHOWING  COUNTRY  OF  THE  HUICHOL  AND  CORA  INDIANS 


MAP  SHOWING  SACRED  PLACES  VISITED  BY  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I.  — BRIEF  SKETCH  OF  THE  COUNTRY  AND  TRIBE. 


Historical  data  regarding:  the  Huichols  are  rare  and  sometimes  obscure.  It 
seems,  however,  to  be  the  accepted  opinion  that  the  country  of  the  Huichols  is 
included,  with  that  of  the  Coras,  under  the  term  ‘ Nayarit,’  and  that  the  bounda- 
ries of  Nayarit,  or  the  Province  of  Nuevo  Toledo,  as  it  also  was  formerly  called, 
were  Acaponeta  in  the  west,  and  Colotlan  in  the  east.  This  fact  would  indi- 
cate that  the  conquest  of  the  Huichol  country  by  the  Spaniards  occurred  at  the 
same  time  as  that  of  the  Coras,  1722;  but  it  seems  hardly  probable  that  the 
Huichols  should  not  have  been  at  least  partly  conquered  before  that  time  by 
Spaniards  coming  from  the  east,  more  especially  since  they  are  not  as  warlike  as 
the  Coras.  This  opinion  is  confirmed  by  a manuscript  which  I came  across  on 
my  travels,  and  which  will  be  published  on  a later  occasion.  This  manuscript 
places  the  foundation  of  the  pueblos  of  Santa  Catarina  and  Tezompa  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  Indeed,  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  Huichols 
were  conquered  before  the  Coras.  It  is  doubtful  whether  missionaries  gained 
much  influence  among  them  until  later,  when,  after  the  conquest  of  the  adjoining 
Coras,  missionary  work  was  firmly  established  among  the  two  tribes  by  the 
Franciscans. 

Six  pueblos  — San  Andres  Coamiata,  Guadalupe  Ocotan,  San  Sebastian, 
Santa  Catarina,  Tezompa,  and  Soledad  — are  in  existence.  All  these  except  San 
Andres,  which  lies  on  a high  mesa  on  the  western  side  of  Chapalagana  River,  are 
on  the  eastern  side  of  that  river,  which  traverses  the  Huichol  country  from  north 
to  south.  Tezompa  and  Soledad  are  at  present  inhabited  by  a mixed  population 
consisting  of  Huichols  and  Mexicans,  but  the  other  pueblos  are  entirely  owned 
by  the  Huichols.  As  usual  among  the  tribes  of  Mexico,  the  Indians  do  not  like 
to  live  in  villages,  but  prefer  to  live  on  their  ranches.  Only  the  elected  officers 
of  the  tribe  stay  in  the  pueblos. 

In  spite  of  the  missionary  work  of  the  past,  to-day  there  is  no  priest  among 
them,  the  churches  are  in  ruins,  and  the  Huichols  are  living  in  the  same  state  of 
barbarism  as  when  Cortes  first  put  foot  on  Mexican  soil.  The  introduction 
of  sheep,  cattle,  and  iron  implements  has  modified  to  some  extent  their  mode  of 
life,  but  not  so  much  as  one  would  expect.  Many  of  them  are  knowing  enough 
to  put  on  an  external  show  of  Christianity  towards  people  from  whom  they 
expect  some  favor.  Some,  the  most  civilized,  know  how  to  make  the  sign  of 
the  cross,  and  are  familiar  with  the  name  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  of  Dios  and 
Diabolo.  Still  their  ancient  beliefs,  customs,  and  ceremonies  all  remain  in  their 
pristine  vigor,  these  Indians  jealously  guarding  their  country  against  encroach- 
ment by  the  whites. 

The  Mexicans  call  them  los  Hide  holes,  ■ — a corruption  of  the  tribal  name, 
Vlra'rika,  in  the  western  part  of  the  country  pronounced  Visa'lika.  According 
to  some  Indians,  the  name  means  ‘prophets’  (Sp.  adivino).  According  to 

[5] 


6 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


others,  it  means  ‘ healers,’  ‘ doctors,’  (Sp.  curandero).  This  latter  would  be 
very  appropriate,  as  every  third  person  seems  to  be  a doctor,  and  the  fame  of  the 
Huichol  healers  extends  far  beyond  their  own  country.  Many  of  them  make 
annual  tours,  practising  their  profession  among  the  neighboring  tribes,  especially 
among  the  Coras  and  the  Tepehuanes. 

The  Huichol  tribe  numbers  to-day  about  four  thousand  souls,  and  they  live 
in  a mountainous  country,  difficult  of  access,  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  State 
of  Jalisco,  on  a spur  of  the  great  Sierra  Madre.  This  range  runs  in  a northerly 
and  southerly  direction,  parallel  to  the  Sierra  del  Nayarit,  both  sierras  forming  the 
southern  part  of  the  Sierra  Madre  del  Norte,  which  ends  at  the  Rio  Alica  (also 
called  Rio  Santiago  and  other  names).  Of  this  sierra  the  Jesuit  Father  Ortega 
says,  in  the  first  chapter  of  his  ‘ Historia  del  Nayarit  : ’ “It  is  so  wild  and  frightful 
to  behold,  that  it,  more  than  the  quivers  of  its  warlike  defenders,  took  away  the 
courage  of  the  conquerors,  because  not  only  did  its  ridges  and  valleys  appear  in- 
accessible, but  the  extended  sphere  of  towering  mountains  and  peaks  perplex  even 
the  eye.” 

The  country  is  well  watered  by  the  river  Chapalagana,  which  runs  at  the 
bottom  of  a mighty,  deep  valley,  a great  many  small  tributaries  forming  as  many 
side  valleys.  While  very  narrow  and  steep  at  the  bottom,  the  valley  gradually 
broadens  out,  the  sides  rising  to  a height  of  from  twenty-five  hundred  to  three 
thousand  metres.  The  country  thus  consists  of  two  parallel  ridges  and  the  valley 
between,  the  tops  of  the  ridges  being  covered  with  immense  pine  forests,  the 
abode  of  numerous  deer  (the  Sonoran  deer,  Dorcelaphus  couesi  Allen). 

On  the  banks  of  the  river,  as  well  as  in  the  little  steep  side  valleys,  the  climate 
is  tropical.  Most  of  the  natives  live  here  only  temporarily,  coming  occasionally 
to  catch  fish  and  crayfish.  Small  orchards  of  bananas  and  sugar-cane  may  be 
seen.  The  Indians  consume  the  latter  crop  by  chewing  the  cane.  Also  a small 
crop  of  cotton  is  raised.  Most  of  the  ranches  are  situated  at  a moderate  elevation 
above  the  sea,  dispersed  all  over  the  district  in  its  numerous  valleys.  The  Indian 
is  rarely  found  living  on  the  pine-clad  heights,  which  are  his  hunting-grounds. 

Corn,  beans,  and  squashes  are  the  main  agricultural  products,  all  raised  on  a 
very  moderate  scale.  On  account  of  the  mountainous  character  of  the  land, 
ploughing  is  not  resorted  to  except  in  a few  places,  the  old-fashioned  Indian  way 
of  planting  corn  being  still  in  vogue.  For  the  purpose  trees  and  bushes  are 
cut  down,  to  be  burned  a few  months  later,  and  the  corn  is  then  planted  in  holes 
made  with  a stick.  This  mode  of  cultivating,  which  is  still  used  among  several 
tribes  in  Mexico,  is  called  in  Mexican  Spanish  cocimilear,  and  the  field  is  called 
coamil.  There  is  generally  an  abundance  of  rain  from  July  till  November;  but, 
owing  to  the  primitive  way  of  planting  corn  on  the  declivities  of  the  canons,  an 
extraordinary  amount  of  rain  is  needed,  because  most  of  it  runs  off  without  pene- 
trating- far  into  the  soil. 

The  northern  part  of  the  country,  around  the  pueblos  of  Tezompa  and 
Soledad,  is  not  so  mountainous,  and  therefore  has  already  been  occupied  by  the 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


7 


Mexicans,  as  stated  before.  The  southern  part,  from  the  ranch  Ratontita  south- 
wards, presents  the  same  natural  features  as  the  northern  ; but  the  Huichols  heie 
still  manage  to  keep  the  Mexicans  out.  It  is  probably  only  a matter  of  time, 
however,  before  this  section  too  will  become  Mexicanized.  Mexicans  have  also 
encroached  on  the  outskirts  of  the  country,  towards  the  east  and  west,  on  both 
slopes  of  the  Sierra. 

All  that  now  remains  of  the  country  owned  solely  by  the  Huichols  is  the 
central  part.  Here  the  population  is  fairly  safe  from  advancing  civilization,  on 
account  of  the  ruggedness  of  the  country  and  its  difficulty  of  access.  It  would 
hardly  pay  white  men  to  settle  here,  because  of  the  small  extent  of  land  suitable 
for  cultivation  by  the  plough.  I should  estimate  the  present  territory  of  the 
Huichols  to  be  about  forty  miles  long  by  twenty-five  miles  broad.  This,  however, 
gives  no  adequate  idea  of  the  length  of  time  required  to  traverse  this  country  of 
precipitous  hillsides  and  deep  gorges. 

The  Huichol  Indians  are  of  medium  height,  and  the  color  of  their  skin  is 
light  reddish-brown.  They  are  a very  healthy  people,  the  women  are  good-looking, 
and  the  children  are  generally  very  pretty.  Their  principal  food  all  the  year 
round  is  corn  and  beans.  In  the  wet  season  one  or  two  kinds  of  fungi  are  eaten. 
The  hunting  of  deer  and  the  killing  of  cattle  are  always  connected  with  religious 
ceremonials,  their  meat  being  eaten  at  religious  feasts. 

The  Huichols  are  exceedingly  emotional,  and  are  easily  moved  to  laughter 
and  to  tears.  They  are  also  intemperate  and  licentious,  as  well  as  thievish,  and 
do  not  speak  the  truth  unless  it  suits  them.  They  have  little  personal  courage, 
preferring  to  assassinate  an  enemy  to  facing  him  in  open  fight.  They  are  musical, 
their  voices  for  singing  being  better  than  those  of  any  other  tribe  that  I ever  met 
with.  Their  songs  are  all  religious. 

A certain  difference  exists  between  the  people  living  on  the  eastern  and 
those  on  the  western  side  of  the  river  in  regard  to  character,  details  of  dress,  and 
arrangement  of  the  hair,  and  even  the  pronunciation  of  some  words.  The  Santa 
Catarina  side  includes  the  eastern  pueblos,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  Guada- 
lupe Ocotan,  which,  although  situated  on  the  eastern  side,  belongs  socially  and 
religiously  to  the  San  Andres  side. 

The  San  Andres  people,  as  I shall  call  those  on  the  western  side,  are  slightly 
more  na'i've,  and  somewhat  more  gentle  and  quiet,  than  the  Santa  Catarina  people, 
who  are  more  fearless  and  impulsive.  Hair-ribbons  worn  on  the  eastern  side  are 
very  narrow,  but  the  designs  are  better  executed  and  more  artistic.  The  shirts 
are  of  shorter  cut  in  Santa  Catarina  than  in  San  Andres. 

In  the  whole  country  there  are  three  styles  of  wearing  the  hair.  i.  It  is 
braided  into  a single  queue,  which  hangs  down  the  back,  a colored  ribbon  being 
braided  in  with  the  hair,  and  tied  around  it  toward  the  end.  This  is  specially  the 
men’s  fashion,  and  is  called  pi  rai.  2.  It  is  gathered  into  a bunch  at  the  back  of 
the  head,  and  a ribbon  is  passed  under  it,  the  ends  of  the  ribbon  being  tied  into  a 
bow-knot  over  the  middle  of  the  forehead,  and  the  hair  falling  ungracefully  over 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


the  ribbon  at  the  back.  This  is  specially  the  women’s  fashion,  and  is  called  ku'pa 
or  tapoli'.  3.  It  is  worn  flowing.  This  style  is  called  to'stegali  or  mayoru'na, 
and  is  used  by  either  sex.  A narrow  ribbon  is  in  all  cases  bound  round  the 
heads  of  both  men  and  women.  Men  wear  their  hair  in  all  three  modes,  style 
No.  1 being  much  more  prevalent  in  Santa  Catarina  than  No.  2 or  No.  3. 
Women  on  the  Santa  Catarina  side  use  either  No.  2 or  No.  1,  while  on  the  San 
Andres  side  they  use  only  No.  3. 

The  differences  in  pronunciation  are  but  slight.  In  San  Andres  they  pro- 
nounce their  words  thick,  as  the  Indians  of  Santa  Catarina  assert.  In  many 
cases  r is  replaced  by  s,  and  in  others  by  /.  Thus  Vlra'rika,  the  tribal  name,  is  in 
San  Andres  pronounced  Vlsa'lika  ; ri'kuli,  a woman’s  tunic,  is  on  the  San  Andres 
side  called  si'kuli. 

The  people  of  the  western  side  are  somewhat  better  off  than  the  easterners. 
Those  of  Santa  Catarina,  although  poorer  than  the  rest,  are  imbued  with  their 
own  importance,  being  in  possession  of  the  chief  temple  of  the  country  and  of  the 
principal  sacred  places.  Jealousy  and  ill-feeling  exist  between  the  people  on  one 
side  and  those  on  the  opposite  side.  This,  however,  does  not  seem  to  have 
arisen  from  religious  reasons,  but  from  the  fact  that  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Catarina 
is  continually  trying  to  push  its  boundary  too  far  over  on  the  western  side.  This 
may  be  the  result  of  the  old  division  of  the  country  into  districts,  or  the  effect  of 
the  efforts  of  the  missionaries  to  confine  the  Indians  in  pueblos  with  ill-defined 
boundaries. 

At  the  present  time  the  dress  of  the  men  consists  mainly  of  a shirt  (kami'ra, 
Sp.  camisa),  either  made  of  a cheap  quality  of  cotton-cloth  (Sp.  manta ) obtained 
from  Mexican  stores,  or  woven  from  wool,  and  often  embroidered.  The  women 
wear  a skirt  and  a short  tunic,  both  of  cotton-cloth.  Sandals  of  the  usual  cowhide 
pattern  are  worn.  Ancient  sandals  braided  from  strips  of  palm-leaf  are  now 
only  used  as  ceremonials.  The  same  is  the  case  with  ancient  girdles  woven 
from  ixtle,  the  fibre  of  the  maguey  {Agave  americana  L.).  Throughout  the 
memoir  I shall  use  the  word  ‘ixtle’  (Nahuatl,  ichtli *)  in  the  Mexican  sense,  as 
an  expression  for  fibre  of  all  century-plants,  but  especially  of  the  maguey. 

The  women  weave  tunics,  girdles,  and  hair-ribbons  of  ancient  designs,  from 
wool.  Cotton-cloth  is  gradually  taking  the  place  of  woollen  stuffs,  as  it  is  cheaper, 
and  easier  to  work  on.  The  women  are  clever  at  embroidery,  with  which  they 
adorn  both  their  own  dress  and  that  of  the  men.  Some  few  of  the  men  are  also 
quite  skilful  in  this  art.  The  tribe  make  two  kinds  of  alcoholic  beverages.  One 
is  a weak  brandy  called  tats,  distilled  from  the  sweet  stem  of  a certain  species  of 
century-plant  called  in  Mexican  Spanish  sotol d The  other  is  a kind  of  sweet, 
thick  beer  called  nawa',  made  from  corn.  Both  these  drinks  play  an  important 
part  at  feasts. 

The  Huichols  live  mostly  in  circular  houses  (ki  or  iki  ) made  from  loose 


1 Dictionnaire  de  la  Langue  Nahuatl,  par  Remi  Simeon,  Paris,  1885. 

2 See  Bulletin  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  X,  p.  13. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


9 


stones,  or  from  stone  and  mud,  and  covered  with  thatched  roofs.  The  temples 
of  their  gods  (Plate  I,  Fig.  i)  are  of  similar  shape,  but  much  larger,  having 
their  entrance  towards  sunrise.  They  are  called  toki'pa,  which  means  ‘house  of 
all.’  Inside  may  be  seen  niches  for  the  gods  of  the  temple.  In  the  temple  of 
Santa  Catarina,  which  is  dedicated  to  the  god  of  fire,  I used  to  see  people  deposit 
flowers  in  his  niche,  burning  copal  as  incense,  and  muttering  prayers  in  a low 
voice.  The  centre  of  interest  in  a temple,  however,  is  the  fireplace,  which  is 
situated  in  the  middle  of  the  building.  It  consists  of  a circular  bed  of  clay  1.20 
metres  in  diameter,  surrounded  by  a thick  clay  wall  some  15  cm.  high.  When  no 
feast  is  going  on,  this  circular  bed,  which  is  called  a'ro,  is  always  brimful  of  ashes. 
To  the  west  of  the  fireplace,  on  a level  with  the  fioor,  is  a disk  of  solidified  vol- 
canic ash,  generally  ornamented  with  carvings  of  deer.  It  is  called  a te'pali  (see 
p.  24);  and  on  this  the  shaman,  when  singing  in  the  temple,  places  his  drum, 
seating  himself  behind  it  with  face  turned  towards  the  east.  Outside,  in  front  of 
the  door,  is  an  open  space  surrounded  by  small  god-houses,  rectangular  or  circular 
in  shape,  and  covered  with  thatched,  gabled  roofs.  The  entrance  to  the  god- 
houses  faces  the  open  place  in  front  of  the  temple.  Such  small  god-houses,  which 
are  called  si'liki,  are  found  near  every  house,  and  may  also  frequently  be  met 
with  at  lonely  places  in  the  forests.  In  these  houses,  as  well  as  in  sacred  caves 
and  springs  and  other  consecrated  localities,  are  placed  ceremonial  arrows,  votive 
bowls,  ceremonial  chairs,  and  other  symbolic  objects,  which  will  be  described 
hereafter.  These  ceremonial  objects  lose  their  value  after  five  years,  and  are 
thrown  out  of  the  house.  The  roof  of  the  temple,  with  certain  symbolic  objects 
attached  to  it,  is  renewed  every  five  years,  simultaneously  with  the  election  of 
new  officers. 

There  are  at  present  nineteen  temples  in  the  country,  and  although  one  may 
generally  find  ranches  near  them,  still  it  is  only  at  the  time  of  the  feasts  that  the 
population  of  the  district  congregates  there,  officials  and  their  families  camping 
on  such  occasions  in  the  god-houses.  I shall  not  enter  into  a complete  exposition 
of  the  religious  system  of  these  Indians.  Suffice  it  here  to  give  an  outline,  — so 
much  only  as  is  requisite  for  the  understanding  of  our  present  subject. 

The  Huichol  country  is  divided  into  three  sections,  each  dedicated  to  one  of 
the  principal  gods.  What  was  formerly  the  fourth  section,  dedicated  to  another 
of  the  principal  gods,  has  been  almost  entirely  taken  by  the  Mexicans. 

1.  The  section  in  and  around  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Catarina,  in  the  east. 
This  pueblo  is  called  by  the  Indians  Toapu'li,  which  is  the  name  of  two  small 
mountains  at  the  foot  of  which  it  lies.  In  the  pueblo,  close  by  the  mountains, 
stands  the  temple,  on  the  same  site  where  it  has  been  from  time  immemorial.  It 
is  the  principal  temple  of  the  country,  and  dedicated  to  the  god  of  fire  (Tate'vali). 
All  the  people  of  this  section  are  said  to  be  ‘of  Toapu'li.’ 

2.  The  section  in  and  around  the  pueblo  of  San  Sebastian,  the  southeastern 
part  of  the  Huichol  country.  The  pueblo  is  called  by  the  Huichols  Tate'  [our 
Mother]  Wau'tega,  or  simply  Wau'tega,  which  is  the  name  of  a spring  in  the 


IO 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


neighborhood.  The  temple  here,  recently  destroyed  by  fire,  belonged  to  the 
second  god  of  fire  (Tato'tsi  Ma'ra  Kwa'ri).  The  people  of  this  section  are  said 
to  be  ‘ of  Wau'tega.’ 

3.  The  section  in  and  around  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres,  comprising  the 
western  part  of  the  country.  The  pueblo  is  called  by  the  Huichols  Tate'  I'kia, 
which  means  ‘the  house  of  our  Mother.’  It  alludes  to  a mythological  event  con- 
cerning a serpent  (Tate'  Ipou)  which  was  born  here,  and  then  went  down  to  the 
coast.  This  section  is  ruled  over  by  the  Sun  (Tayau'  or  Tave'rik3),  and  all  the 
people  there  are  said  to  be  ‘ of  Tave'rikV 

The  fourth  section  was  without  doubt  the  country  now  comprising  the 
pueblos  of  Soledad  and  Tezompa,  in  the  northeast.  The  temple  of  Lajas  is  the 
only  remaining  portion  of  it.  This  is  dedicated  to  the  god  of  wind  or  air 
(Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke). 

Each  of  these  sections  contains  many  temples,  where  feasts  are  held  ; and 
the  people  of  each  section  are  welcome  guests  at  the  feasts  celebrated  in  their 
temples,  but  those  of  other  sections  of  the  country  are  not  invited  to  take  part. 

I once  counted  forty-seven  gods  recognized  by  the  tribe  ; but  the  number  is 
practically  unlimited,  since  every  hill  and  every  rock  of  peculiar  shape  is  con- 
sidered a deity.  The  stones  and  rocks  are  alive,  representing  the  mythical 
ancestors  or  their  belongings,  — their  bows  and  arrows,  their  pouches,  tamales 
(Fig.  241),  etc.  However,  it  would  be  a mistake  to  assume  that  all  gods  are  in 
reality  different.  The  principal  ones  have  as  many  as  eight  or  ten  names,  and 
thus  the  number  of  distinct  deities  may  be  placed  very  much  lower.  A great 
number  are  necessarily  only  different  impersonations  of  the  same  god.  The  gods 
are  supposed  to  dwell  in  lagoons,  water-holes,  and  springs,  or,  as  the  Indians  ex- 
press it,  “ all  gods  arrived  from  the  sea,  but  here  they  made  water-holes  or  springs.” 
Every  god  has  one.  Women  are  considered  as  the  daughters  of  the  goddesses, 
and  men  as  the  sons  of  the  gods,  each  one  belonging  to  a particular  god.  Each 
god  has  his  animals,  which,  as  an  Indian  explained  to  me,  stand  in  the  same 
relation  to  the  god  as  do  the  hens  to  the  master  of  the  house.  The  four 
principal  gods  are  : — 

1.  Tate'vali,  the  god  of  fire.  His  name  means  ‘our  [ta]  grandfather 
[te'vali].’  I shall  call  him  Grandfather  Fire.  The  fire  is  called  among  the 
Huichols  tai,  but  the  fire  in  the  temple  is  Tate'vali.  He  is  the  god  of  life  and 
health.  He  is  the  curing  and  prophesying  shaman,  and  the  particular  god  of  the 
shamans,  especially  of  those  who  cure  and  prophesy.  Animals  belonging  to  him 
are  the  macaw,  the  royal  eagle,  the  cardinal  bird,  the  tiger,  the  lion,  and  the 
opossum.  Herbs  and  grass  also  belong  to  him.  This  god,  together  with  Tato'tsi, 
made  the  first  temple  of  the  Huichols. 

2.  Tato'tsi,  the  second  god  of  fire,  and  the  chief  deer  god.  His  complete 
name  is  Tato'tsi  Ma'ra  Kwa'ri,  which  means  ‘ our  [ta]  great-grandfather  [to'tsi  ] 
deer-tail  [ma'ra  kwa'ri].’  I shall  call  him  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail.  He  is 
the  singing  shaman.  The  white-tailed  hawk  belongs  especially  to  this  god. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 1 

The  relations  between  these  two  deities  are  interesting.  Great-grandfather 
Deer-Tail  is  the  son  of  Grandfather  Fire,  having,  according  to  tradition,  sprung 
forth  from  the  plumes  of  his  father.  Still  he  is  older.  The  explanation  of  this  is 
as  follows  : Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  is  the  spark  produced  by  striking  flint ; 
and  Grandfather  Fire,  the  fire  fed  by  wood.  The  two,  therefore,  are  also  brothers, 
and  older  than  the  Sun.  The  names  of  these  two  gods  are  constantly  on  the  lips 
of  the  people.  When  Huichols  meet,  especially  after  separation  for  a time,  they 
first  speak  of  the  gods,  and  one  hears  the  names  of  these  two  most  prominently. 

The  implements  of  to-day  for  making  fire  are  a piece  of  flint,  tinder  (a  fungus 
from  oak-trees),  and  a piece  of  steel  bought  from  the  Mexicans.  Evidently 
the  Indians  formerly  made  fire  by  striking  flint  against  pyrites  ; the  more  conven- 
ient steel  implement,  which  is  called  tau'tsu  or  tau'tsyu,  being  a later  introduction. 

I have  heard  the  following  interpretation  of  the  fire-making  implements  : The 
steel  is  Tate'vali,  and  the  sparks  his  facial  painting  (Tate'vali  urai'ya)  ; the  flint  is 
Tato'tsi ; the  tinder,  Tate'vali’s  food  (Tate'vali  i'newa). 

3.  Tayau'  (or  Tau)  or  Tave'rika,  the  Sun.  The  former  name  means  ‘our 
father.’  The  significance  of  the  latter  name  I was  unable  to  learn.  It  may  have 
some  reference  to  riku'a  (‘  rattle’  or  ‘bell’).  I can  only  say  that  it  is  the  name 
given  by  the  rabbit  to  the  Sun,  as  related  in  the  following  myth. 

“ The  ancient  shamans  made  Father  Sun  by  throwing  the  young  son  of 
the  Corn  Mother,  Tate'  Otegana'ka  [or,  according  to  another  tradition,  of  Young 
Mother  Eagle,  Tate'  Ve'lika  Uima'li],  into  an  oven,  arrayed  in  full  attire,  with 
sandals,  pouches,  and  tobacco-gourds,  and  carrying  his  bow  and  arrow.  From 
the  oven  the  boy  travelled  underneath  the  ground,  and  rose  as  the  Sun,  where  it 
rises  to-day,  in  the  east.  Five  days  after  the  birth  of  the  Sun  the  chief  men 
wanted  to  give  him  a name,  and  the  Rabbit  made  five  ceremonial  circles  and 
turned  his  face  towards  the  Sun,  saying,  ‘Ve'rika,  ve'rika,  ve'rika ! ’ The  Rabbit 
had  horns  in  those  days,  and  was  the  son  of  one  of  the  tama'ts  [our  elder 
brothers];  but  the  Rabbit  changed  ‘clothes’  with  his  father  [the  Deer  |.  The 
Turkey  next  made  five  circles  and  said,  ‘ Sri  pi'  [he  is  starting],  tau,  tau,  tau  ! ’ 
H e was  the  brother  of  the  Sun.”  I shall  call  this  god  Father  Sun  or  the  Sun. 

The  principal  animals  belonging  to  Father  Sun  are  the  turkey  and  the 
rabbit,  the  tiger,  the  red-tailed  hawk  (Kwir  or  Kwis),  the  quail,  the  gigantic 
woodpecker,  the  swallow,  and  the  cardinal-bird. 

The  lduichols  sacrifice  a turkey  to  the  sun  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  when  the 
sun  is  on  its  return,  and  at  the  same  time  a sheep  is  sacrificed  to  the  fire.  They 
sing  all  night,  and  next  day  drink  their  two  beverages.  They  are  careful 
observers  of  the  annual  course  of  the  sun.  Near  Santa  Catarina  there  is  a notch  in 
the  mountains  that  stands  out  against  the  horizon  ; and  they  know  that  when  the 
sun  “arrives”  there,  as  they  say,  the  rainy  season  is  not  far  off. 

The  Setting  Sun,  Tayau'  Sakaimo'ka,  or  Sakaimo'ka  alone  (sometimes  called 
Sakaimo'ta),  is  considered  as  the  assistant  of  Father  Sun.  An  idol  of  him  is 
standing  on  a mesa  above  the  Cora  pueblo  of  Sierra  del  Nayarit,  “looking 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 2 

towards  Mexico,”  as  the  Indians  express  it.  This  mesa  is  the  one  called  Tonati 
by  the  chroniclers,  while  by  the  Coras  it  is  called  Nayarit.  The  Huichols  call  it 
Sakaimo'ka.  The  same  names  are  given  to  a cave  in  the  same  locality,  where  the 
Coras  and  the  Huichols  deposit  ceremonial  objects  and  other  offerings.  This  god 
is  worshipped  equally  by  the  Cora  Indians,  whose  religion  and  language  are  related 
to  those  of  the  Huichols. 

4.  Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke,  the  god  of  wind  or  air.  His  name  means 
‘our  elder  brother  [tama'ts]  big  hi'kuli  [ pa'like  | (walking)  everywhere  [tamo- 
ye'ke].’ These  translations  were  given  to  me  by  an  Indian,  but  I do  not  know 
whether  they  are  philologically  correct.  According  to  another  informant,  Tamo- 
ye'ke is  a rock  near  the  mining  town  Catorce.  This  rock  is  considered  one  of  the 
ancestral  gods  of  the  Huichols.  Hi'kuli  is  said  to  grow  in  the  form  of  a cross  on 
his  face,  his  hands,  and  his  feet.  Probably  my  informant  meant  to  say  that  the 
plants  formed  a cross  on  each  of  these  parts  of  the  body.  He  is  also  commonly 
called  only  Tama'ts,  and  I shall  speak  of  him  as  Elder  Brother.  His  name 
indicates  him  as  the  god  of  hi'kuli  and  as  a deer  god.  The  hi'kuli  (Sp.  peyote ) 
appeared  first  as  a gigantic  deer  (p.  18),  which  left  a plant  in  each  of  its  footprints. 
When  Elder  Brother  was  out  running  deer,  so  the  myth  relates,  he  met  two 
women,  who  were  roes,  and  followed  them  to  their  home.  There  they  invited 
him  to  eat  grass,  which  he  did,  and  became  a deer.  He  still  had  no  antlers  ; 
but  Tate'vali  applied  his  plumes  to  the  right  side  of  the  deer’s  head,  producing 
plumes  or  antlers  of  Tama'ts  Wawatsa'li  (deer  god  in  the  south),  and  to  the  left 
side,  producing  plumes  or  antlers  of  Tama'ts  O'to  Ta'wi  (deer  god  in  the  north). 
Tama'ts  again  became  a man,  but  the  deer  thereafter  remained  with  antlers.  The 
antler  on  the  right  side  of  a deer  is  considered  as  the  plume  of  the  royal  eagle 
(moye'li  Tate'vali)  ; and  that  on  the  left  side,  as  the  plume  of  the  red-tailed  hawk 
(moye'li  Tato'tsi). 

Elder  Brother  is  the  messenger  of  the  gods,  and  when  the  shamans  sing,  he 
communicates  their  songs  and  wishes  to  the  other  gods.  The  animals  over  whom 
he  rules  are  the  deer,  the  rattlesnake,  the  rabbit,  the  gray  squirrel,  the  humming- 
bird, and  all  parrots,  a hawk  called  Suli'kwai,  the  hawk  Piwa'mi,  the  owl,  and 
also  the  hens.  The  cock  belongs  to  him,  because  it  is  supposed  to  follow  the 
course  of  the  sun,  and  to  know  always  where  the  sun  is.  Every  time  it  crows, 
it  signals  the  location  of  the  sun  to  Elder  Brother,  who,  as  said  above,  is  a 
go-between  of  the  gods. 

Tama'ts  [Elder  Brother]  Kauyuma'li,  also  called  Te'vali  [Grandfather] 
Kauyuma'li,  is  the  name  of  the  god  who  put  the  world  into  shape,  and  had  to 
fight  with  the  people  in  the  underworld  to  accomplish  his  purpose.  He  appears 
in  different  impersonations,  — as  a deer,  a wolf,  a pine-tree,  and  a whirlwind,  — and 
it  is  he  who  taught  the  ancients  “ all  they  had  to  do  in  order  to  comply  with  what 
the  gods  wanted  at  the  five  points  of  the  world,” — to  make  ceremonial  arrows, 
chairs,  and  votive  bowls,  to  run  deer,  and  to  drink  hi'kuli ; but  the  god  of  hi'kuli 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


13 


taught  them  to  sing.  “ The  principal  men  requested  Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke, 
who  resides  in  the  east,  to  sing  during  the  day,  while  they  went  off  running  deer.” 

Among  female  deities  should  be  mentioned  first  of  all  Tako'tsi  Nakawe'. 
This  name  means  ‘our  grandmother  |tako'tsi|  growth  | nakawe'].’  She  is  fre- 
quently called  by  either  name  alone.  I shall  speak  of  her  as  Grandmother 
Growth.  All  vegetation  (na'ka,  ‘ to  grow  ’ ) is  her  product.  She  is  also  the 
mother  of  the  gods,  especially  of  Grandfather  Fire.  All  the  earth  belongs  to  her> 
and  she  lives  in  the  underworld.  People  implore  her  for  long  life,  because  she  is 
very  old.  Salate  (a  large  kind  of  fig-tree),  a certain  species  of  bamboo,  a tree  called 
capome  (which  grows  in  the  canons),  and  other  trees,  also  belong  to  her,  as  do  in 
the  animal  world  the  armadillo,  the  peccary,  and  the  bear,  that  is  considered  her  son. 
This  goddess  has,  like  other  deities,  many  names,  according  to  her  functions.  She 
is  frequently  called  Tate'  Yuliana'ka  (yu'li,  ‘wet;’  na'ka,  ‘to  grow:’  i.  e.,  ‘wet 
| the  earth  | in  order  that  corn  may  grow  ’),  and  as  such  she  is  mistress  of  pottery 
utensils,  because  these  are  made  of  earth.  She  is  also  called  Tate'  Iku'  [corn  | 
Otegana'ka,  and  is,  as  the  name  implies,  the  special  goddess  of  corn  : in  this  im- 
personation, therefore,  we  shall  speak  of  her  as  the  Corn  Mother.  Sheisawater 
and  rain  serpent  in  the  east.  Squashes,  beans,  and  sheep  also  belong  to  her. 

The  other  female  deities  are  called  tate'  (‘our  [ta  | mother  [te]  ’ ),  and  there 
are  five  principal  ones  : — 

1.  Tate'  Naaliwa'mi,  in  the  east, — a red  serpent  because  she  appeared  in 
lightning.  She  is  mainly  a water  and  rain  serpent,  bringing  rain  from  the  east,  and 
I shall  call  her  Mother  East-Water.  Her  supposed  dwelling,  and  accordingly  her 
principal  place  of  worship,  is  in  a deep  gorge  with  caves,  near  Santa  Catarina,  in 
the  eastern  part  of  the  Huichol  country.  Cattle,  mules,  and  horses  are  under  her 
protection.  Lightning  is  thought  to  be  the  baton  of  this  Mother  ; and  as  rain 
accompanies  the  lightning  in  the  springtime  or  in  the  wet  season,  flowers,  which 
are  the  result  of  the  rain,  belong  to  her,  “ are  her  skirt,”  say  the  Indians.  In  this 
connection  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  colored  paper  bought  in  the  Mexican  stores, 
generally  in  the  shape  of  artificial  flowers,  is  attached  to  her  objects  almost 
exclusively. 

2.  Tate'  Kyewimo'ka  (sometimes  called  Kyewimo'ta),  in  the  west,  — a white 
serpent  because  she  appeared  in  a white  cloud.  She  is  a water  and  rain  serpent, 
bringing  rain  from  the  west,  and  is  also  the  morning  mist  in  the  autumn,  that 
sometimes  freezes  the  corn.  I shall  call  her  Mother  West-Water.  She  is  the 
Aphrodite  of  the  Huichol  Indians,  as  are  also  Mother  East-Water  and  Tate' 
Tuliriki'ta  (p.  52).  Her  dwelling  and  principal  place  of  worship  is  due  west  of 
the  Huichol  country,  in  a cave  situated  in  the  territory  of  the  Cora  Indians,  near 
the  pueblo  of  San  Francisco,  on  the  western  side  of  the  river  of  San  Juan 
Peyotan.  To  her  belong  deer  and  corn,  as  well  as  ravens. 

3.  Tate'  Rapawiye'ma,  in  the  south, —a  blue  serpent  because  she  appeared 
in  a lagoon.  She  is  a water  and  rain  serpent,  bringing  rain  from  the  south,  and  I 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


14' 

shall  call  her  Mother  South-Water.  She  is  also  the  lagoon  itself,  which  is  called 
by  the  Mexicans  Laguna  de  Magdalena , and  is  situated  four  days’  journey  south  of 
the  Huichol  country,  on  the  road  which  leads  from  Guadalajara  to  Tepic.  She  is 
also  a kind  of  water-lizard  (Imo'koy),  described  to  me  by  the  Indians  as  being 
about  30  cm.  long,  spotted,  and  very  smooth.  It  may  be  the  axolotl.  She  is 
more  intimately  connected  with  the  singing  shaman  than  all  the  other  Mothers. 
To  her  belongs  the  seed-corn. 

There  is  also  another  lagoon  called  Tate'  Rapawiye'ma,  which  is  near  the  sea 
and  much  farther  from  the  Huichol  country,  viz.,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Talpa, 
State  of  Jalisco.  At  present  the  Huichols  rarely  deposit  sacred  objects  there. 

Still  another  Tate'  Rapawiye'ma  is  mentioned,  which  is  situated  near 
Mascota,  and  is  called  Laguna  de  Laja.  The  water  of  this  lagoon  is  credited 
with  medicinal  properties.  Goitre,  for  instance,  is  said  to  be  cured  in  four  months 
by  external  application  of  the  water  and  by  drinking  it. 

4.  Tate'  Hau'tse  Kupu'ri,  in  the  north,  — also  a serpent.  Hau'tse  means 
‘rain  and  fog  hanging  in  the  trees  and  grass;’  Kupu'ri  means  ‘cotton-wool,’  the 
symbol  of  white  clouds.  I shall  call  her  Mother  North-Water.  She  is,  besides, 
a fish  that  lives  in  a lagoon  called  Hauli'pa,  which  is  situated  in  the  mountains 
north  of  the  Huichol  country.  This  fish  is  also  called  Kia'tsu  rie'vi  or  sie'vi 
(Sp.  bagre),  and  is  about  20  cm.  long,  much  spotted,  and  with  some  marks  on  the 
shoulders  considered  by  the  Indians  as  ‘eyes’  or  si'kuli  (Chap.  VI.).  To  her 
belong  corn,  squashes,  beans,  also  flowers,  besides  cattle,  mules,  horses,  and  sheep. 

5.  Tate'  Ve'lika  Uima'li,  above.  The  word  ve'lika  means  ‘royal  eagle’ 
(Sp.  Aguila  real ) ; uima'li,  ‘young  girl.’  Thus  the  whole  name  means  literally 
‘ mother  eagle  young  girl,’  and  I shall  call  her  Young  Mother  Eagle.  She  is 
intimately  connected  with  the  cult  of  the  Sun,  and,  as  stated  before,  according  to 
one  account,  is  his  mother.  She  holds  the  world  in  her  talons,  and  guards  every- 
thing from  above,  where  she  dwells.  The  stars  are  her  dress. 

These  five  Mothers,  and  Grandmother  Growth,  or  rather  the  districts 
where  they  reside,  constitute  the  six  cardinal  points  of  the  tribe.  The  color  of 
the  south  is  red  ; of  the  north,  white  ; of  the  west,  black  ; of  the  east,  white  ; 
of  the  region  above,  blue  or  green  ; of  the  region  below,  brown.  According  to 
another  informant,  the  names  of  these  regions,  in  the  order  in  which  water  is 
sacrificed  to  them,  are  the  following:  1.  Rapawiye'ma,  south;  2.  Kupu'ri, 

north  ; 3.  Sakaimo'ka  and  Kyewimo'ka,  west ; 4.  Naaliwa'mi  and  Otegana'ka, 
east;  5.  Ve'lika  Uima'li  and  Tayau',  above;  6.  Tato'tsi  and  Tate'vali,  below. 
It  should  be  noted  that  the  number  5 is  the  ruling  number  of  these  Indians. 
Sometimes  they  also  speak  of  five  points  of  the  world  or  of  five  winds.  Compare 
the  regions,  pp.  38,  39. 

From  what  we  now  know  of  the  four  principal  gods  and  the  Mothers,  we 
readily  perceive  a conception  in  the  Huichol  mind  of  the  four  elements,  — fire  and 
air  (male),  earth  and  water  (female). 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


15 


The  moon  (Metsa'ka)  is  a grandmother.  She  is  not  highly  valued  among  the 
Huichols,  and  ceremonial  arrows  and  votive  bowls  are  not  sacrificed  to  her.  She 
is  the  companion  of  Grandfather  Fire,  guiding  by  her  light  people  who  travel 
at  night.  She  is  also  of  importance  in  the  making  of  native  beer,  since  the  latter 
becomes  strong  through  her  influence,  so  that  people  get  ‘beautifully’  drunk,  as 
the  Indians  say.  But  her  greatest  service  is  to  help  the  Sun  in  protecting  the 
Huichols  against  the  god  of  death,  Toka'kami. 

The  stars  are  of  considerable  importance  in  the  mythology  of  this  tribe. 
They  are  comprised  under  the  name  rula've,  and  all  are  gods  or  goddesses.  The 
star  from  which  they  gain  knowledge  is  Tonoa'mi  (‘  singer’),  the  morning  star,  the 
Tsu'lavete  of  the  Coras.  He  is  a shaman,  singing  all  the  time,  and  is  supposed  to 
guard  the  Sun.  The  Huichols  bathe  in  the  morning  at  dark,  and  before  descend- 
ing into  the  water-hole  they  sing  a while  to  him,  praying  that  he  be  with  them, 
and  give  them  health  and  knowledge.  It  is  also  a belief  that  they  gain  power 
(‘medicine’)  of  bringing  rain  from  him;  therefore  the  bath  is  also  useful  in  this 
regard.  In  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli,  as  well  as  in  the  sea,  ceremonial  arrows  are 
left  for  Tonoa'mi  as  prayers  for  long  life. 

Sacrifices  of  all  kinds  are  offered  to  the  gods,  but  the  principal  offering  is  the 
deer.  It  does  not  belong  to  any  special  god,  for  all  the  principal  deities  are  mas- 
ters of  the  deer,  and  the  deer  themselves  are  gods.  Since  the  introduction  of 
cattle,  the  latter  animals  are  used  prominently  as  sacrifices,  especially ' at  rain- 
making ceremonies.  Roosters  are  also  now  and  then  offered  to  Elder  Brother. 
These  animals,  and  foods  prepared  from  corn,  beans,  or  squashes,  etc.,  are  offered 
to  the  gods  before  being  eaten  by  the  people.  The  food  is  sacrificed  at  night  to 
Mother  East-Water  and  to  Young  Mother  Eagle  ; in  the  daytime,  to  the  four 
principal  gods  and  to  the  Setting  Sun,  to  the  Corn  Mother  (in  the  morning),  to 
Mother  South-Water  and  Mother  North-Water  (in  the  middle  of  the  day),  and  to 
Mother  West-Water  (at  sunset). 

Besides  sacrifices  of  this  kind,  the  Huichols  offer  to  their  gods  remarkable 
symbolic  objects,  which  form  the  main  topic  of  this  memoir.  They  are  embodi- 
ments of  prayers,  and  are  mainly  found  in  the  god-houses  and  sacred  caves, 
where  they  present  a grotesque  and  striking  appearance.  Ceremonial  arrows, 
sometimes  in  great  numbers,  are  very  generally  stuck  into  the  inner  sides  of 
the  thatched  roofs  of  the  god-houses  or  into  the  seats  of  ceremonial  chairs. 
A great  many  symbolic  objects  of  various  colors  and  shapes  are  attached  to  the 
arrows,  and  others  hang  down  under  the  roof,  while  on  the  altar  may  be  seen 
rudely  carved  and  decorated  wooden  images  of  the  animals  dedicated  to  the  god. 
But  idols  are  rarely  found  in  the  god-houses. 

The  ceremonial  objects  are  not  very  numerous  in  the  temples,  still  one 
usually  sees  a few  arrows  or  some  ‘ eyes  ’ stuck  into  the  roof.  Thus  in  the 
temple  of  Santa  Catarina  ceremonial  arrows  may  nearly  always  be  observed 
above  the  niche  of  Grandfather  Fire,  but  the  Indians  tell  me  that  it  is  much 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


16 

better  to  leave  them  in  Teaka'ta  (p.  17).  Such  symbolic  objects  may  also  be 
frequently  met  with  in  the  crevices  of  rocks  or  at  some  sacred  spring,  etc.  Some- 
times they  are  actually  left  in  some  water-hole  or  lagoon  ; for  instance,  in  the 
country  of  the  hi'kuli,  or  even  in  the  sea. 

All  sacred  things  are  symbols  to  primitive  man,  and  the  Huichols  seem 
literally  to  have  no  end  of  them.  Religion  is  to  them  a personal  matter,  not  an 
institution,  and  therefore  their  life  is  religious,  — from  the  cradle  to  the  grave 
wrapped  up  in  symbolism.  Even  the  material  of  their  bows  is  taken  from  a kind 
of  wood  which  belongs  to  the  special  god  of  the  district.  Thus  the  people  of 
Santa  Catarina  and  surrounding  country,  who  all  belong  to  the  god  of  fire,  use 
bows  made  from  Tepemezquite,  a light  reddish-brown  wood  ; while  the  people 
of  San  Andres,  who  belong  to  the  Sun,  make  theirs  of  the  mahogany-colored 
Brazil-wood. 

The  interpretation  of  their  symbolism  is  not  always  easy  to  get,  since  some- 
times the  Indians  have  reasons  for  not  wishing  to  tell  the  truth,  or,  though  they 
have  none,  they  dislike  to  divulge  their  ideas  on  this  subject.  Even  when  they 
are  quite  willing  to  explain,  they  are  hampered  by  their  inability  to  express  them- 
selves. Occasionally  it  happens  that  the  shaman  has  made  a special  arrangement 
of  things  according  to  instructions  given  him  in  a dream,  which  of  course  no  one 
else  understands.  However,  it  has  always  astonished  me  how  well,  in  a general 
way,  the  Huichol  shaman  is  able  to  explain  symbolic  objects.  The  common  run 
of  people  are  also  very  well  instructed  in  symbols  and  ceremonies,  although  they 
sometimes,  but  rarely,  make  mistakes  by  placing  the  ceremonial  things  in  the 
wrong  god-house.  There  is  a certain  uniformity  in  the  patterns  of  all  these 
symbolic  objects.  The  quality  of  the  work  varies  much,  although  it  is  seldom 
actually  poor. 

The  gods  are  implored,  naturally,  for  material  benefits  only,  and  extensive 
research  has  convinced  me  that  every  god  is  asked  for  almost  anything.  Of 
course  a person  may  give  preference  to  a certain  god,  for  instance  to  the  one 
under  whose  protection  he  was  placed  as  a child,  or  to  one  about  whom  he  or  the 
shaman  has  dreamed  ; but  I find  that  the  goddess  of  child-birth  may  be  im- 
plored for  success  in  killing  deer  and  raising  cotton,  while  Grandfather  Fire 
may  be  asked  for  luck  in  weaving,  embroidering,  etc.  ; and  Elder  Brother,  for 
the  health  of  children.  Still  we  recognize  certain  spheres  peculiar  to  each  god. 
To  illustrate  : The  god  of  fire,  who  is  the  healing  god,  is  implored  specially  by 
the  curing  shamans  ; Elder  Brother  is  the  particular  god  of  the  hunter,  and  the 
special  helper  of  women  in  their  textile  and  embroidery  work.  In  making  bows  or 
fishing-nets,  or  nets  for  carrying  burdens,  as  well  as  in  making  bowls,  Grand- 
father Fire  is  implored;  in  making  fishing-lines,  the  Corn  Mother;  in  sowing 
squash-seed  for  making  tobacco-gourds,  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Catarina  is  a deep  valley,  at  the 
bottom  of  which  a river  rushes  on  its  way.  Along  this  river  are  many  caves 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


17 


and  god-houses  dedicated  to  various  male  and  female  deities.  Generally  the  caves 
contain  some  small  spring  or  pool  of  water,  called  a kutsa'la,  in  which  children 
must  be  bathed  at  certain  seasons.  At  the  kutsa'la  of  Grandmother  Growth 
every  Huichol  must  wash  himself  once  a year  with  the  holy  water.  Sacred  caves 
are  called  by  the  same  name  as  the  god-houses, — si'liki.  The  caves  of  Grand- 

mother Growth  and  Mother  West-Water  are  called  their  houses  (kk.or  iki'a). 

Plate  I,  Fig.  2,  shows  a place  in  this  valley  which  is  the  most  important 
of  the  sacred  spots  in  the  Huichol  country.  Its  chief  feature  is  a little  temple 
dedicated  to  Grandfather  Fire,  adjoining  which  are  three  god-houses  consecrated  to 
three  other  great  gods,  and  three  dedicated  to  lesser  ones.  These  stand  on  a small 
level  space  scarcely  ten  metres  square,  situated  at  the  foot  of  an  argillitic  rock 
that  rises  almost  perpendicularly  about  fifty  metres.  The  rock  inclines  slightly 
forward.  Its  color  is  dark  red,  hence  its  association  with  Grandfather  Fire. 
The  heat  reflected  from  the  rock,  besides,  forcibly  suggests  his  presence.  In 
the  little  temple  of  this  god,  which  in  the  picture  stands  in  the  background, 
an  ancient  idol  was  until  recently  to  be  seen.  This  locality,  which  is  called 
Teaka'ta,  owes  its  name  to  the  presence  of  the  temple.  The  name  is  the  same 
as  that  applied  to  the  hole  in  the  ground  in  which  the  Huichols  cook  deer-meat, 
mescal,  etc.,  between  hot  stones  covered  with  an  earth  mound.  It  here  refers  to 
the  cavity  underneath  this  temple,  where  stands  a still  more  ancient  and  impor- 
tant idol  of  the  same  god.  The  food  dearest  to  the  Huichols,  and  on  which  they 
no  doubt  in  ancient  times  had  mainly  to  subsist,  is  cooked  by  the  fire  god 
underneath  the  ground.  He  thus  becomes  the  god  of  life,  as  the  deer  is  the  god 
of  sustenance  par  excellence. 

The  Huichol  spends  a great  part  of  his  life  at  ceremonies  and  feasts.  From 
May  to  August,  that  is  to  say,  the  dry  and  part  of  the  wet  season,  there  are  fre- 
quent feasts  for  making  rain.  During  the  wet  season,  if  it  stops  raining  only  for 
two  or  three  days,  the  principal  men  gather  in  the  temple  and  decide  to  sacrifice 
an  ox  or  two,  which  means  a ‘feast,’  or  propitiation  of  the  gods,  lasting  for  two 
days.  Then  there  is  the  feast  of  new  squashes  and  of  the  new  corn  ; and  also 
that  of  toasted  corn  or  esquite , connected  with  the  cult  of  hi'kuli,  which  will  be 
mentioned  below  ; but  the  greatest  of  all  is  the  feast  for  eating  corncakes  made 
from  ground  whole  corn  baked  in  an  oven,  and  called  by  Mexicans  tamales  (dif- 
ferent from  the  usual  ones).  This  feast  is  held  for  the  underworld,  and  is  called 
in  Spanish  that  of  tamales  de  maiz  crudo , which  name  we  shall  hereafter  use  when 
referring  to  it.  The  last  two  feasts  can  be  held  only  after  successful  cleer-hunts. 

The  cult  of  hi'kuli  is  very  important  in  the  life  of  the  Huichol.  It  would, 
however,  carry  us  too  far  to  enter  into  a detailed  description,  and  a brief  mention 
must  therefore  suffice.  Hi'kuli  is  the  name  of  a small  cactus  ( Anhalonium 
lewhiii  Hennings)  which  grows  in  the  central  part  of  Mexico,  and  which,  when 
eaten,  has  an  exhilarating  effect  on  the  nervous  system,  and  causes  color-visions. 
The  Tarahumares,  who  also  use  this  plant,  have  the  same  name  for  it.  It  is 


i8 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HU1CHOL  INDIANS. 


thought  to  be  necessary  to  procure  it  every  year  to  insure  the  country  against 
drought ; and  therefore  in  October  parties  of  from  two  to  twelve  start  on  a pil- 
grimage to  the  interior  or  central  mesa  of  Mexico  ; the  journey,  which  is  accom- 
panied by  much  fasting  and  praying,  consuming  forty-three  days.  The  locality 
where  the  hi'kuli-seekers  gather  the  plant  is  not  far  from  the  mining  town  Real 
Catorce,  in  the  State  of  San  Luis  Potosi.  The  name  of  this  country  is  Palia'tsia, 
derived  from  the  name  of  the  god  Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  (Elder  Brother). 
The  leader  of  the  party  and  the  one  who  follows  after  him  carry  a front-shield 
(Chap.  IV.)  of  Grandfather  Fire,  while  the  rest  carry  those  of  other  gods. 

During  the  months  of  preparation  for  the  feast,  these  people  may  always  be 
seen  eating  slices  of  the  fresh  fruit,  and  are  in  a constant  state  of  excitement, 
although  intoxication  does  not  show  itself  in  the  same  way  as  that  produced  by 
alcoholic  drinks.  The  balance  of  the  body  is  maintained  even  better  than  under 
ordinary  circumstances,  and  they  walk  fearlessly  along  the  edges  of  precipices. 

They  are  able  to  endure  hunger,  thirst,  and  fatigue  to  an 
incredible  extent.  A marked  effect  of  the  plant,  important 
to  note,  is  that  it  takes  away  temporarily  all  sexual  desire. 
This  fact,  no  doubt,  may  contribute  to  the  requirement  of 
abstinence  from  sexual  intercourse  as  a necessary  part  of  the 
hi'kuli  cult  from  the  time  of  the  start  for  the  hi'kuli  country 
till  the  feast  is  over,  which  covers  a period  of  at  least  four 
months.  Neither  is  bathing  nor  eating  of  salt  permitted 
during  this  time.  The  Huichols  generally  preserve  the  plant 
by  stringing  a number  of  them,  say  fifty,  longitudinally  on  a 
string  of  ixtle,  and  hanging  them  up  in  coils  (Pig.  i)  on  the 
walls  of  the  temple,  or  in  their  houses,  to  dry.  Occasionally 
they  are  planted  in  the  ground.  In  Fig.  2 may  be  seen  a 
plant  as  it  appears  when  growing. 

The  feast  of  hi'kuli,  which  is  included  in  that  of  toasted 
corn,  takes  place  generally  some  time  in  January  ; but  it  can- 
not come  off  until  a certain  number  of  deer  have  been  killed, 
as  said  above,  nor  until  the  field  has  been  cleared  and  made 
ready  for  the  harvest  of  the  coming  year. 

The  myth  relating  to  the  discovery  of  the  hi'kuli  is  the 
following  : — 

“ Long  ago,  when  the  forefathers  of  the  Huichols  first 
arrived  in  the  country  where  the  hi'kuli  now  grows,  they  saw 
a deer,  and  allowed  him  to  go  five  steps,  when  he  disappeared. 
When  they  came  closer  to  the  tracks,  they  discovered  that 
a hi'kuli.  All  together,  there  were  five,  — one  for  each 


Fig.  I (tob).  Part  of  a String  of 
Dried  Hi'kuli-Plants  ( j nat.  size). 


each  footprint  was 
footprint. 

“ They  shot  arrows  at  every  hi'kuli  without  hurting  it,  two  arrows  above  each, 
and  in  such  a manner  that  the  end  of  one  arrow  pointed  to  the  east,  and  the  end 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


19 


of  the  other  to  the  west  (Fig.  2).  At  the  place  where  the  deer  disappeared  a 
large  hi'kuli  was  found,  which  was  called  Pa  li  or  Wapa'li.  After  a while  they 
proceeded  to  take  up  their  ar- 
rows and  put  them  into  their 
quivers.  Only  the  two  arrows 
which  they  had  shot  above  the 
big  hi'kuli  remained,  because 
Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail 
ordered  them  to  leave  them. 

Then  they  sat  down  and  ate 
hi'kuli.  Tama'ts  Palisi'ke  re- 

hi'kuli  first  appeared,  and  there 
he  may  be  seen  to-day  in  the  form  of  an  altar.  He  is  the  principal  altar,  — a 
big  hi'kuli.” 

I was  told  by  the  Indians  that  the  hi'kuli-seekers,  up  to  the  present  day, 
perform  the  following  ceremony  : — 

On  arriving  at  the  ground,  as  soon  as  the  mules  have  been  unloaded  and 
taken  care  of,  the  Indians  fall  into  line,  and  each  man  places  an  arrow  to  his  bow 
and  stretches  the  string  as  if  ready  to  shoot,  pointing  the  arrow  first  towards  the 
sun  (east),  then  to  each  side,  then  backwards,  then  upwards,  and  at  last  down- 
wards, without  letting  the  arrow  fly.  The  captain  says,  “Yonder  is  the  deer, 
standing  at  the  first  altar  (mesa)  but  it  is  only  he  who  sees  him.  Then  they 
march  forward,  still  with  their  bows  drawn  and  aiming  ahead,  the  advance  being- 
directed  by  the  captain  and  three  others.  If  any  one  of  them  sees  a hi'kuli,  he 
shoots  towards  it,  not  quite  hitting  it ; but  one  arrow  lodges  to  the  right,  and  one 
to  the  left,  over  it.  In  this  way  every  one  shoots  at  five  hi'kuli  on  the  march, 
without  stopping  to  pick  up  the  arrows.  They  proceed  to  ascend  the  first  mesa 
where  the  captain  saw  the  deer.  Having  ascended,  they  all  make  the  ceremonial 
circuit,  and  the  deer  is  seen  in  the  appearance  of  a whirlwind,  whereupon  he  dis- 
appears, leaving  behind  two  hi'kuli,  — one  toward  the  north,  and  the  other  toward 
the  south.  Here  they  leave  votive  bowls,  arrows,  back-shields,  paper  flowers,  and 
glass  beads  as  prayers  for  health,  talking,  as  usual,  to  the  five  points  of  the 
world.  They  also  ask  the  hi'kuli,  which  in  former  days  were  people,  not  to  make 
them  crazy.  This  ceremony  completed,  the  signal  is  given  to  return,  in  order  to 
pull  up  the  hi'kuli  shot  at  on  the  march,  and  the  arrows  left  with  them.  They  find 
their  arrows  covered  with  drops  of  dew.  Each  man  carefully  takes  up  his  five 
hi'kuli,  and  they  ascend  again  to  the  first  altar,  where  they  had  left  their  offerings. 
They  then  partake  of  hi'kuli,  eating  it  with  great  delight  as  a kind  of  fruit ; 
and  when  they  have  eaten,  the  same  deer  which  was  seen  by  the  captain,  and 
afterwards  by  them,  appears  again.  This  time  they  all  see  him,  because  they 
now  feel  the  effects  of  the  plant,  or,  as  my  informant  told  me,  “they  are  all 
drunk.”  According  to  another  report,  the  deer  is  seen  descending  from  heaven  ; 


mained  on  the  high  mesa  where 


20 


LUM HOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


and  where  he  alights,  there  they  find  the  plants,  and  shoot  their  arrows  at  them 
in  the  same  way  as  their  forefathers  did  ; but  nowadays  all  the  hi'kuli  are  small. 

There  are  several  kinds  of  hi'kuli.  According  to  some,  there  are  five,  — red, 
yellow,  black,  white,  and  spotted,  the  same  colors  that  the  corn  has.  According 
to  others,  there  are  three  kinds,  — yellow  (Tate'vali),  white  (Tate'  Otegana'ka), 
and  green  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ka).  The  same  name,  hi'kuli,  is  applied  to  all  of  them, 
and  all  kinds  are  used  at  the  feast. 

Further  information  on  the  hi'kuli  cult  will  be  found  on  several  of  the 
following  pages  (see  especially  end  of  Chap.  IX  and  Chap.  X). 

Most  of  the  gods  are  thought  to  be  on  the  outskirts  of  the  country,  and  to 
grudge  the  Indians  the  clouds  ; but  when  the  shaman  sings,  they  are  pleased,  and 
let  them  loose  to  fall  down  as  rain.  In  that  way  the  shamans,  and  indirectly  the 
people,  control  the  rainfall,  and  are  able  to  produce  rain  at  will.  There  is  another 
way  in  which  the  people  contribute  directly  towards  the  bringing  of  rain,  viz.,  by 
burning  their  fields.  All  the  smoke  that  rises  is  clouds,  and  there  are  many 
kinds,  — black  clouds  (hai  yo'wi  or  yu'wime),  blue  clouds  (hai  yoawi'me),  white 
clouds  (hai  tora'mi),  yellow  clouds  (hai  taru'ye),  red  clouds  (hai  rule'me).  These 
smoke-clouds  travel  to  where  the  rain  Mothers  live,  and  all  become  rain-clouds  ; 
for  every  Mother,  as  well  as  Grandfather  Fire,  who  is  in  the  middle,  and  Father 
Sun,  has  a spring  or  pool  (kutsa'la)  where  the  smoke-clouds  remain  until  the 
rainy  weather  commences,  when  they  start  out  as  rain-serpents.  There  are,  in 
the  Indian  conception,  a great  many  serpents,  most  of  them  rain  or  fire  serpents. 
When  a heavy  storm  is  coming  up,  the  dark  clouds  and  the  distant  downpour 
look  to  the  Indians  like  so  many  raining  serpents  of  various  colors.  They  are 
plumed  or  flying  serpents  ; but  there  are  several  kinds,  at  least  ten,  all  able  to  fly. 
“Don’t  you  see  how  the  rain  travels  yonder  without  coming  here?”  a shaman 
friend  said  to  me  by  way  of  explanation.  The  rain-water  as  it  flows  over  the 
ground  is  a serpent,  and  the  rivers  that  hasten  down  to  the  sea  are  also  serpents. 
The  sea  itself  and  the  ripples  on  the  surface  of  water  are  serpents.  The  lightning 
is  a powerful  serpent,  and  the  shaman  sees  that  the  fire  is  also  a serpent,  namely, 
a rattlesnake  ; and  when  the  Huichols  burn  the  fields,  they  see  in  the  moving 
crest  of  the  fire  the  plumes  of  the  fire-serpent.  The  sky  and  the  wind  are 
serpents.  The  serpentine  movements  of  the  latter  are  visible  when  it  sweeps 
through  the  grass  and  the  trees,  and  it  helps  to  bring  the  clouds  to  the  country 
of  the  Huichols. 

All  the  principal  gods  possess  each  a certain  species  of  eagle  or  hawk,  besides 
other  birds;  and  when  the  Huichols  make  ceremonial  objects  for  any  god,  they 
use  plumes  of  the  special  kind  belonging  to  that  god.  According  to  tradition,  the 
various  eagles  and  hawks  sprang  forth  from  a cloud  of  smoke  (Sp.  fumadero)  ; 
therefore  their  plumes  are  black  and  brown  from  the  fire.  The  royal  eagle  is 
supposed  to  have  been  originally  a single  plume,  which  ascended,  and  became 
Ve'lika,  that  sees  everything. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


2 I 

There  are  several  species  of  hawk  in  the  country,  the  most  common  being 
the  red-tailed  hawk  ( Buteo  borealis  Calurus,  called  in  Huichol  Kwir  or  Kwis,  in 
Spanish  Aguililla ),  whose  feathers  are  very  generally  used  ; but  the  feathers  of 
the  white-tailed  hawk  (yButeo  albicaudatus  Sennette,  called  in  Huichol  Tu'ra)  and 
of  the  Mexican  black  hawk  ( Urubitinga  anthracina  Licht.),  as  well  as  those  of 
Piwa'mi  ( Asturina  plagiata  Schlegel),  are  also  in  general  use.  Eagles,  although 
exceedingly  coveted,  are  very  rarely  procured,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  fire-arms. 

Wi'tse  is  the  name  of  a certain  hawk  which  in  former  times  arose  from  the 
west  (so'tega)  ; and  from  the  east  (hira'ta)  came  the  hawk  Piwa'mi  as  well  as  the 
deer.  From  the  north  (ota'ta)  came  the  white-tailed  hawk.  All  these  originated 
from  fire  and  smoke,  as  did  also,  according  to  one  tradition,  Grandfather  Fire 
and  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail. 

The  birds,  especially  eagles  and  hawks,  move  about  in  the  wind  and  hear 
everything  ; and  the  same  is  the  case  with  their  plumes  : they  also  hear,  the 
Indians  say,  and  have  mystic  powers.  Plumes  or  moye'li  are  to  the  Huichol 
health,  life,  and  luck-giving  symbols.  By  their  help  the  shamans  are  capable  of 
hearing  everything  that  is  said  to  them  from  below  the  earth  and  from  all  the 
points  of  the  world,  and  perform  magic,  feats.  The  feathers  of  the  vulture  and 
of  the  raven  are  not  considered  as  plumes.  All  plumes  are  desirable  as  attach- 
ments to  ceremonial  objects:  therefore  a Huichol  never  has  too  many  of  them. 
There  is,  however,  one  plume  of  special  merit,  and  that  is,  strange  to  say,  the  deer. 
Every  one  who  kills  a deer  comes  into  possession  of  a precious  plume,  that  in- 
sures him  health  and  luck  ; but  those  who  are  much  in  love  cannot  acquire  it, 
for,  in  order  to  catch  deer,  one  must  be  abstinent.  We  have  already  seen  (p.  12) 
how  Grandfather  Fire,  in  true  shaman  fashion,  applied  his  plumes  to  Elder 
Brother’s  head,  and  produced  antlers  or  plumes,  one  on  each  side.  Not  only  the 
antler,  but  the  whole  body  of  the  deer,  is,  in  the  Huichol  mind,  a plume,  just  as  a 
bird  is  called  a plume  ; and  I have  met  with  instances  where  the  hair  from  the 
tail  of  a deer  actually  served  as  plume  attachments  on  ceremonial  arrow's 
(cf.  Fig.  97).  Plumes,  according  to  one  account,  started  from  the  head  of  the  deer 
in  order  that  the  shaman  might  be  able  to  sing. 

The  deer  appeared,  according  to  tradition,  on  five  different  occasions,  and 
each  time  they  had  a new  name.  The  Huichols  count  five  kinds  of  male  deer 
and  five  kinds  of  roes  ; and  even  the  roes  appear  to  the  shamans  to  possess 
antlers  or  plumes.  The  shamans  are  also  the  only  ones  who  can  tell  the  differ- 
ence between  a male  and  a female  deer.  These  ten  kinds  of  deer  have  all  special 
names,  the  male  ones  being  named  according  to  the  growth  of  the  antlers.  The 
male  deer  are  all  tama'ts  (‘our  elder  brothers’),  and  are  the  following  : — 

1.  Tama'ts  Wawatsa'li,  the  principal  and  the  oldest  one,  with  very  large 
antlers.  He  lives  in  the  south,  i.  e .,  is  the  deer  god  in  the  south. 

2.  Tama'ts  O'to  Ta'wi,  a large  deer,  but  with  smaller  antlers.  He  lives  in 
the  north,  i.  e.,  is  the  deer  god  in  the  north. 

3.  Ve'lika  Moye'li  Tama'ts,  a deer  that  is  a little  bluer  than  the  other  deer. 
His  antlers  are  the  plumes  of  the  royal  eagle. 


22 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


4.  Kwir  Moye'li  Tama'ts,  a deer  with  antlers  much  ramified  and  very  thin, 
which  are  the  plumes  of  the  red-tailed  hawk  (Kwir). 

5.  Teola'li  Moye'li  Tama'ts,  a deer  whose  antlers  have  small  protuberances 
which  resemble  a red  flower  called  teola'li.  Being  red,  this  flower  is  dedicated  to 
Grandfather  Fire  ; and  wreaths  worn  at  certain  feasts  are  made  from  it. 

The  female  deer  are  all  tate'  (‘our  mother’)  and  tako'tsi  (‘our  grand- 
mother’), and  their  names  are  the  following  : — 

1.  Piwa'mi  Moye'li  Tate  Tako'tsi,  a roe  whose  plumes  are  those  of  the  hawk 
Piwa'mi. 

2.  Suli'kwai  Moye'li  Tate'  Tako'tsi,  a roe  whose  plumes  are  those  of  a large 
hawk  called  Suli'kwai. 

3.  Tu'ra  Moye'li  Tate'  Tako'tsi,  a roe  with  plumes  of  the  white-tailed  hawk 
(Tu'ra). 

4.  Hapo'li  Moye'li  Tate'  Tako'tsi,  a roe  whose  plumes  are  those  of  the  eagle 
Hapo'li,  which  is  black  with  a striped  white  tail.  This  eagle  is  often  seen  in  the 
willow-trees,  and  is  found  in  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli. 

5.  Totowi'  Moye'li  Tate'  Tako'tsi,  a roe  whose  plumes  are  those  of  a small 
yellowish  parrot  which  lives  on  the  coast. 

The  moving  principle  in  the  religion  of  the  Huichols  is  the  desire  of  pro- 
ducing rain,  and  thus  of  successfully  raising  corn,  their  principal  food.  I take  this 
to  be  common  to  most  of  the  agricultural  tribes  of  this  continent.  Water  first,  and 
water  last,  is  the  consideration  in  all  their  ceremonies,  the  centre  of  their  thoughts. 

According  to  the  Huichol  myths,  corn  was  once  deer,  the  deer  having  been 
the  chief  source  of  food  in  earliest  times.  Therefore  the  people,  now  that  they, 
through  contact  with  the  whites,  have  become  possessed  of  cattle  and  sheep,  look 
upon  these  too  as  corn. 

Since  the  deer  represents  sustenance,  it  may  easily  be  perceived  why,  in  their 
myths,  the  hi'kuli,  as  well  as  hau'tsima  (‘  water’),  sprang  from  the  forehead  of  a 
deer.  It  was  a deer  (a  deer  god)  that  left  the  hi'kuli-plants  in  his  track  the  first 
time  he  appeared  in  the  country  where  the  plants  grow,  and  he  afterwards  became 
a big  hi'kuli  ; and  when  the  gods  for  the  first  time  felt  the  exhilarating  effect  that 
hi'kuli  produces,  it  came  from  the  magic  drink  that  had  been  made  by  grinding, 
not  the  hi'kuli,  but  a deer-antler,  on  the  metate,  and  mixing  it  with  water. 

In  former  days  corn  was  also  hi'kuli,  and  therefore  to-day  the  latter  still 
retains  all  the  colors  of  corn.  Sometimes  the  Indians  profess  to  discover  real 
grains  of  corn  on  the  plant  when  they  gather  it ; and  when  they  leave  hi'kuli  as  a 
sacrifice  to  the  gods,  they  usually  mix  with  it  grains  of  corn.  Hi'kuli,  therefore, 
is  to  them  the  original  ear  of  corn,  just  as  the  deer-antler  is  the  original  hi'kuli. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  corn,  deer,  and  hi'kuli  are,  in  a way,  one  and  the 
same  thing  to  the  Huichol.  Corn  is  deer  (food  substance),  and  hi'kuli  is  deer 
(food  substance),  and  corn  is  hi'kuli ; all  these  three  being  considered  identical 
in  so  far  as  they  are  food  substances. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


23 


When,  at  the  feast  preparatory  to  clearing  the  corn-fields,  the  Huichols  drink 
the  broth  of  deer-meat,  they  speak  of  it  as  “ making  corn.”  The  deer  is  the  sacri- 
fice most  valued  by  the  gods.  To  the  Huichols  it  is  the  symbol  of  sustenance  and 
fertility  ; and  its  blood  is  therefore  sprinkled  on  the  grains  of  corn  before  they  are 
sown,  that  they  may  become  equally  sustaining.  The  hi'kuli,  on  the  other  hand, 
is  to  them  the  plant  of  life, — the  life  of  the  deer  and  of  the  corn.  Hi'kuli  is 
also  the  special  drinking-bowl  of  the  god  of  fire  ; and  the  Huichols  have  to  bring 
it  to  him  every  year,  or  they  would  be  unable  to  catch  deer  : consequently  it 
would  not  rain,  and  they  would  have  no  corn. 

The  philosophy  of  life  of  these  people  may  be  best  summed  up  in  the  sentence 
to  which  my  Huichol  servant  once  gave  utterance  : “To  pray  for  luck  to  Tate'- 
vali  | the  god  of  fire],  and  to  put  up  snares  for  the  deer,  — that  is  to  lead  a perfect 
life.” 


II.  — GODS  AND  THEIR  PARAPHERNALIA;  FETISHES. 


In  the  temples  of  the  Huichols  no  idols  are  to  be  seen,  as  they  are  kept 
in  secret  places,  often  in  some  remote  cave.  In  the  temple  of  Santa  Catarina, 
according  to  the  Indians,  there  is  an  excavation  underneath  the  fireplace,  in 
which  an  idol  of  the  god  of  fire  stands,  surrounded  by  numerous  ceremonial 
objects.  The  Indians  state  that  such  a cavity  is  a feature  of  every  temple, 
and  its  special  god  or  some  sacred  object  may  be  placed  in  it.  I saw, 
however,  that  in  two  diminutive  temples  erected  for  the  god  of  fire  for  a 
special  purpose,  there  were  idols  standing  above  ground,  besides  the  ones  in  the 
cavities  below.  Images  of  gods  are  still  made  among  the  Huichols  according  to 
the  orders  of  the  shaman  ; and  their  purpose  is  to  prevent  a drought,  or  to  drive 
off  some  serious  disease  or  other  tribal  misfortune.  The  images  are  carved  out 
of  solidified  volcanic  ash  (Sp.  cantera),  or  sometimes  out  of  wood,  and  in  rare 
instances  they  are  moulded  from  clay. 

The  most  important  gods  stand  on  disks  (te'pali)  made  from  solidified 
volcanic  ash,  which  vary  in  size  according  to  the  maker’s  fancy.  Such  a disk 
represents  the  domain  of  the  god  or  goddess,  and  is  painted  or  carved  with  various 
pesigns  symbolic  of  his  or  her  attributes  and  relations  to  the  world.  These 
objects  are  thus  exceedingly  instructive  as  showing  the  religious  thought  of  the 
Indian.  They  are  frequently  found  in  the  god-houses  without  images,  but  never- 
theless possessing  the  god’s  power.  They  are  then  seen  either  lying  fiat  on  the 
altar,  to  which  they  are  often  fastened  by  mud,  or  placed  in  a slanting  position. 
They  are  also  met  with  in  the  temples  (p.  9)  and  on  top  of  them.  All  ceremonial 
disks  are  smeared  with  blood  of  the  deer  before  being  deposited  for  religious  use. 

Images  of  animals  belonging  to  particular  gods  are  also  made  in  various 
ways  (pp.  66-68).  They  are  deposited  in  the  particular  place  of  worship  of  the 
god,  together  with  ceremonial  chairs  and  other  symbolic  objects  to  be  described 
later. 

The  images,  as  well  as  other  ceremonial  objects,  but  especially  the  disks 
mentioned  above,  are  often  painted  with  various  colors,  all  native.  These  colors 
are  either  mineral  or  vegetable,  the  mineral  colors  being  supposed  to  be  in  the 
possession  of  Grandmother  Growth.  Objects  made  of  solidified  volcanic  ash,  that 
are  to  be  painted,  are  first  washed  with  water  to  make  the  colors  adhere  well. 
As  the  colors  employed  by  the  Huichol  Indians  have  much  significance  in  certain 
symbolic  objects,  it  seems  advisable,  for  convenience,  to  mention  them  here,  and 
the  materials  from  which  they  are  derived. 

1.  Mineral  Colors.  — Red  (rule'me),  from  a ferruginous  clay  called 
rata'lika.  This  is  the  color  most  commonly  used  by  the  Indians.  For  painting 
arrows  it  is  ground  on  the  metate  and  mixed  with  copal.  White , from  a calcite 
called  tata'mi  or  Kyewimo'ka.  Dark  green  (yoawi'me),  from  a green  clay  called 
teyoa'wi,  found  near  San  Sebastian.  It  is  probably  a result  of  the  decomposition 

[24] 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


25 


of  volcanic  rock.  The  inside  of  drinking  and  votive  bowls  is  painted  with  it. 
Light  green,  from  a similar  clay  from  San  Sebastian,  but  of  a better  kind.  Light 
red,  from  a ferruginous  clay  mixed  with  calcite.  The  minerals  are  powdered,  and 
mixed  with  the  juice  of  the  maguey  plant  ( agua  de  maguey)  or  sometimes 
simply  with  water. 

2.  Vegetable  Colors.  — Dark  red  (rule'me),  from  Brazil-wood,  which 
is  rubbed  to  a powder  on  the  metate,  and  then  mixed  with  a weak  solution 
of  lime  and  water.  Dark  blue  (yoawi'me),  from  a plant  called  in  Spanish  anil 
(indigo),  and  in  Huichol  tapa'li.  The  dye-stuff  is  mixed  with  the  juice  of  the 
maguey.  Yellow  (tarawi'me),  from  the  root  (ta'rai)  of  a bush  called  toy,  which 
the  hi'kuli-seekers  gather  in  the  country  where  that  plant  grows.  Black  (yu'wime), 
from  charred  corncobs  mixed  with  the  juice  of  the  maguey. 

Grandfather  Fire  and  his  Disks.  — Images  of  the  god  of  fire  are  more 
frequent  than  those  of  any  other  god.  His  birthplace  is  shown  near  Santa 
Catarina,  in  a cave  which  gives  evidence  of  previous  volcanic  action.  He 
is  thought  to  have  first  appeared  there  as  a spark,  or,  according  to  another 
tradition,  carrying  two  arrows  and  Hint.  The  cave  itself  is  called  Haino'tega, 
hai'no  being  the  name  of  a little  yellow  bird  which  was  kept  there  by  the  god. 
Still  another  tradition  has  it  that  he  started  from  the  coast,  and  remained  first  in 
Sakaimo'ta,  afterwards  in  Teaka'ta.  Then  he  went  to  Toapu'li  (Santa  Catarina), 
and  from  there  travelled  out  to  Wize'rkate,  near  Zacatecas.  From  here  again  he 
travelled  on  to  Maraya'pa,  which  is  situated  this  side  of  the  mining  town  Catorce. 
Finally  he  arrived  in  Hai  O'nali,  which  is  a spring  in  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli. 
He  returned  again  to  Toapu'li  with  his  family,  accompanied  by  much  wind,  and 
to-day  still  lives  in  Teaka'ta.  In  this  connection  it  is  significant  to  note  that  the 
mythical  ancestors  of  the  Huichols  arrived  from  Aukwe'meka,  the  mountain  in 
front  of  Toapu'li  ; and  when  they  arrived,  they  brought  much  wind  with  them. 

In  the  district  of  Santa  Catarina,  where  he  is  the  ruling  god,  I know  of  six 
of  his  images,  which  accordingly  must  be  considered  as  so  many  impersonations 
or  incarnations  of  the  same  god  of  fire.  There  may  be  even  more.  While  it  is 
supposed  that  he  is  incarnate  in  or  abides  in  all  these  images,  yet  his  principal 
body  and  habitation  is  the  principal  image,  which  stands  in  the  little  temple  at 
Teaka'ta,  the  holy  place  described  on  p.  17. 

It  is  significant  that  sometimes  he  is  represented,  not  by  one,  but  by  two 
images.  One  stands  above  ground,  and  the  other  in  a cavity  underneath  it.  The 
latter  is  invariably  the  smaller  and  the  older  of  the  two,  and  is  regarded  as  closely 
associated  with  the  sun  after  it  has  set,  or  the  sun  of  the  underworld,  while  the 
upper  image  is  supposed  to  be  associated  with  the  sun  of  the  daytime,  or  of  the 
upper  world.  In  both  of  his  manifestations  he  is  thought  to  have  great  power 
over  the  Sun,  to  whom  he  is  supposed  to  talk.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  he  is 
identified  with  the  fire  of  the  world,  moreover  with  that  of  the  underworld,  and 
that  we  may  regard  volcanic  fire  as  more  directly  representing  him  than  any  other 


26 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


kind  of  fire.  He  is  held  to  be  more  ancient  even  than  the  Sun,  who  is  his  child, — 
the  young  Huichol  who  in  ancient  times  issued  forth  Phoenix-like  from  the  fire, 
revived  as  the  flaming  Sun  (p.  11).  The  Sun,  then,  is  in  reality  a new  imper- 
sonation of  the  god  of  fire;  and  it  naturally  follows  that  mythically  the  latter  is 
closely  associated,  in  his  powers  and  functions,  with  the  former. 

The  idol  of  the  god  of  fire  here  pictured  (P  ig.  3)  is  said  to  be  an  exact  copy 
of  the  one  standing  under  the  fireplace  of  the  temple  of  Santa  Catarina,  in  a 

cavity  about  a metre  deep  down  in  the  ground. 
A few  years  ago,  when  the  officers  of  the  temple 
removed  the  disk  that  covers  the  cavity,  to  renew 
the  ceremonial  objects  placed  with  the  idol,  as  is 
their  custom  every  fifth  year,  they  found  that  the 
heat  from  the  fire  above  had  not  only  burned  all 
the  ceremonial  objects,  but  had  also  injured  the  old 
idol.  Therefore  a new  image  was  made  by  one  of 
the  chief  men  of  the  place,  Felipe,  who,  being  a 
friend  of  mine,  consented  to  make  a similar  one  for 
me.  The  material  is  solidified  volcanic  ash.  The 
legs  are  apart,  and  there  are  indications  of  arms 
hanging  clown.  Nose,  eyes,  and  mouth  are  very 
distinct,  but  the  ears  are  awkwardly  placed,  being 
too  far  forward.  There  are  indications  of  toes  in 
the  form  of  slight  incisions.  Felipe  carved  this 
rather  clumsy  figure  with  his  machete , and  there  is  a 
curious  vague  likeness  between  the  maker  and  his 
work. 

The  specimen  figured  in  Figs.  4 and  5 is  the  disk  on  which  the  god  of  fire 
stands  (Tate'vali  te'pali).  It  was  obtained  from  the  same  place  and  from  the 


Fig.  3 (e®fs).  Grandfather  Fire  standing  on  his 
Disk.  (Height,  excluding  disk,  27.5  cm.) 


same  maker  as  the  idol.  On  the  upper  surface  (Fig.  4)  is  a carving  of  the  royal 
eagle  (Tate'vali  Ve'lika),  — the  eagle  that  belongs  to  Grandfather  Fire.  Wings 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUJCHOL  INDIANS. 


27 


and  tail  are  spread,  but  the  head  has  been  omitted,  and  the  body  consists  of  a 
circle  divided  into  eight  radial  sections  of  nearly  equal  size.  Wings,  legs,  and 
talons  are  plainly  visible,  and  the  feathers  of  wings  and  tail  are  represented  by 
parallel  lines.  All  the  lines  in  the  carving  have  been  painted  black.  Above  the 
eagle,  between  the  wings,  is  the  carving  of  a deer  without  antlers,  painted  black 
in  the  same  way. 

The  under  surface  (Fig.  5)  is  taken  up  by  a picture  of  the  sun.  It  consists 
of  a circular  space  in  the  middle,  from  which  rays  emanate  to  the  edge  of  the  disk. 
These  rays  and  the  central  circular  space  are  painted  red  with  ferruginous  clay. 

The  edges  of  both  surfaces  of  the  disk  are  notched  all  round  at  regular 
intervals.  On  the  eagle  side  of  the  disk,  between  the  notches  along  the  edge  of 
the  lower  half,  are  dots  of  black, — eighteen  in  all.  There  is  also  a similar  spot 
over  the  left  wing  of  the  eagle.  The  rim  is  ornamented  all  round  with  a carved 
zigzag  line,  painted  with  ferruginous  clay,  — a design  symbolic  of  the  hills  and 
valleys  projected  on  the  horizon,  while  the  notches  represent  the  nearer  hills  and 
valleys. 

The  disk  on  which  the  god  stands  thus  shows  the  animals  most  closely  asso- 
ciated with  him,  and  symbolizes  his  powers  over  the  whole  world,  that  is  illumined 
and  warmed  by  the  sun. 

I have  mentioned  above  that  the  god  of  fire  is  represented  by  two  idols,  — 
one  above  ground,  and  one  underneath.  The  latter  stands  in  a cavity  the  opening 
to  which  is  entirely  covered  by  a disk,  on  which  the  upper  idol  stands,  as  will  be 
observed  in  Fig.  3.  This  disk,  however,  is  much  larger  than  the  one  pictured.  The 
arrangement  recalls  the  form  of  house  of  the  Pueblos  of  the  Southwest  at  the  peri- 
od when  the  wandering  tribes  of  the  desert  still  lived  underground  or  half  under- 
ground. The  doors  to  their  houses  were  made  of  slabs  of  stone,  and  were  round 
like  the  stone  lids  of  jars,  as  is  evident  from  the  researches  of  Cushing  and  others. 
It  might  possibly  be  inferred  that  the  disk  placed  under  the  god  of  fire  symbolizes 
that  he  alone,  of  all  gods,  has  the  power  of  opening  and  closing  the  door  that 
separates  the  upper  from  the  underworld.  This  interpretation  is  to  a certain  ex- 
tent supported  by  the  myth  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  (Chap.  IV),  who  once 
took  refuge  in  a hole  which  he  made  in  the  ground  and  covered  over  with  a stone. 
Possibly  the  conclusion  may  also  be  drawn  from  the  myth  that  the  idol  in  the 
cavity  underneath  represents  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  while  the  one  on  top 
represents  Grandfather  Fire  ; in  other  words,  that  the  former  is  the  volcanic  fire, 
and  the  latter  the  fire  of  this  world.  This  would  agree  with  the  conception  of 
these  two  gods  in  the  minds  of  the  Huichols,  who  frequently  call  them  brothers. 

Another  disk  of  the  god  of  fire  is  shown  in  Figs.  6 and  7.  It  was  not  used 

as  a stand  for  an  idol.  It  was  painted  at  my  request  by  a very  intelligent 
shaman,  and  it  should  be  stated  here  that  a number  of  objects  treated  in  this 
chapter  were  also  made  at  my  request  by  different  shamans  and  friends  of  mine  in 
the  district  of  Santa  Catarina.  Most  of  them  were  painted  by  a very  prominent 
shaman,  at  one  time  ‘alcalde’  in  Santa  Catarina.  His  father,  one  of  the  great 


28 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


shamans  of  the  country,  had  instructed  him  in  the  mysteries  of  life  from  childhood 
up.  They  lived  in  Pochotita,  and  the  father  died  only  recently.  The  specimens 
obtained  in  this  way  are  reproductions  of  objects  used  by  the  Huichols,  although 
more  elaborate  in  workmanship,  design,  and  color.  Two  or  three  of  the  painted 
disks  were  intended  by  the  maker  to  represent  similar  ones  made  of  split  bamboo 
interwoven  with  cotton  cord  and  variously  colored  crewel.  These  will  be  noted 
at  their  proper  places. 


Fig.  6 (x||s).  Disk  of  Grandfather  Fire,  Upper  Side.  (Diameter,  40  cm.  ; thickness^  6 cm.) 


In  the  centre  of  the  upper  surface  of  the  disk  in  question  (Fig.  6)  there  is  a 
cavity  2.5  cm.  deep  by  6.5  cm.  in  diameter,  which  is  called  Tate'vali  aiku'tsi, 
meaning  the  drinking-gourd  of  Grandfather  Fire.  A disk  with  a central  cup  of 
this  kind  is  called  tano'ra.  The  name  aiku'tsi  refers  specially  to  a votive  bowl 
filled  with  a mixture  of  water  and  ground  hi'kuli, — -the  form  in  which  hi'kuli 
is  consumed  at  the  feasts.  The  Huichols,  according  to  their  conception,  are  only 
continuing  the  practice  which  Grandfather  Kauyuma'li  initiated,  who  was  the  first 
to  procure  aiku'tsi.  While  putting  the  world  into  shape  he  seized  from  his 
opponents  their  votive  bowl  filled  with  this  liquid.  On  disks  of  other  gods,  that 
have  been  placed  in  a horizontal  position  on  the  altar  of  the  god-house,  I 
have  seen  similar  hollows  ; and,  according  to  the  etymology  of  the  name,  they  are 
to  be  considered  as  drinking-gourds  of  the  gods  for  whom  they  were  deposited.  In 
some  of  these  cups,  especially  in  those  belonging  to  Grandmother  Growth,  native 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


29 


beer  and  chocolate  are  sacrificed.  In  this  specimen  the  cavity  is  painted  dark 
brown  inside  ; and  along  its  edge  runs  a band  of  green,  on  which,  at  regular 
intervals,  are  brown  spots,  symbolic  of  grains  of  corn.  The  rays  that  emanate 
from  it  are  painted  alternately  red  and  blue,  and  symbolize  ears  of  corn.  The 
paintings  are  easily  understood,  in  the  light  of  the  relations  between  hi'kuli  and 
corn,  as  explained  on  p.  22  and  at  other  places.  The  designs  on  the  rest  of  this 
surface  are  the  following  : — (a)  The  royal  eagle,  in  ferruginous  clay  and  black.  It 
is  represented  with  wings  and  tail  spread  ; and  on  the  body  is  a cross  enclosed  in 
an  irregular  circle,  significant  of  the  heart.  The  eagle  looks  somewhat  like  the 
double-headed  eagle  of  European  origin,  but  it  actually  represents  the  front  view 
of  the  bird.  An  eagle,  when  shown  in  front  view,  is  always  represented  as 
double-headed,  because  the  Indian  is  unable  to  make  a perspective  drawing 
of  this  view.  It  is  shown  with  skin  split,  and  it  becomes  a perfect  eagle  to  him 
because  both  sides  are  represented.  The  eagle  is  sometimes  represented  with 
head  turned  to  one  side,  in  which  case  only  one  head  is  shown.  (5)  A bluejay, 
called  by  the  Mexicans  urraca.  This  bird,  like  others  dedicated  to  gods,  is 
viewed,  in  accordance  with  what  has  been  said  before,  as  a plume  ; therefore  the 
native  name  of  the  figure  on  the  disk  is  wa  [bluejay]  moye'li  [plume  or  plumes]. 
(c,  d ) Two  macaws  standing  opposite  each  other,  both  painted  green,  with 
longitudinal  stripes  of  reddish  color  on  wing  and  tail,  as  well  as  some  of  the  same 
color  on  top  of  the  head  and  upper  part  of  the  legs,  (e)  The  red-tailed  hawk, 
painted  in  red  and  black.  From  its  beak  depends  a serpent  called  Hairaku'. 
The  real  serpent  lives  in  the  water,  and  is  from  80  cm.  to  90  cm.  long.  There 
is  another  serpent  of  the  same  kind  in  front  of  the  bird,  which  the  royal 
eagle  is  trying  to  catch.  Behind  the  hawk  is  seen  (f)  a man  with  uplifted 
arms,  painted  in  dark  blue,  almost  black.  Only  the  upper  part  of  the  body 
is  visible  on  the  surface,  while  the  rest  of  the  man  is  painted  on  the  rim  of 
the  disk.  He  is  looking  at  the  hawk  swallowing  the  serpent,  (g)  A chaparral- 
cock,  painted  in  dark  blue  and  some  red.  This  bird  protects  Grandfather  Fire, 
and  the  hi'kuli-seekers  need  it  for  their  journey.  (//)  A maize-plant  which  has 
dried  up  for  want  of  water.  All  the  birds  represented  above  are  males. 

On  the  reverse  side  of  the  disk  (Fig.  7)  are  seen  : — (a)  A male  tiger,  painted 
in  red,  with  yellow  and  green  spots.  ( b ) A female  tiger,  painted  in  dark  blue  and 
red,  with  white  and  yellow  spots.  Behind  its  tail  stands  (c)  a deer  in  light  green 
color,  — the  deer  god  in  the  south.  ( d ) A deer,  painted  in  dark  blue,  with  a 
longitudinal  red  stripe,  — the  deer  god  in  the  north.  ( e ) A roe,  dark  reddish  in 
color.  (/)  A snake  called  Aitala'ma,  with  alternate  red,  black,  and  yellow 
transverse  bands.  It  is  said  to  be  about  30  cm.  long  and  non-venomous  (see  p.  49). 
( g ) A water-serpent  called  Hai'ku,  represented  in  black  edged  with  red.  It  is 
said  to  be  from  40  cm.  to  50  cm.  long.  (Zi)  A serpent  called  Takayoyuo',  painted 
in  dark  blue  edged  with  red.  It  has  two  heads,  and  on  its  back  are  seen  scales. 
(0  A symbolic  figure  called  neali'ka,  — one  of  a group  of  objects  that  will  be 
fully  treated  in  Chap.  IV.  According  to  my  informant,  it  is  a si  kuli  (Chap.  VI) 


30 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


neali'ka  (‘  eye  face’)  of  the  god,  and  is  painted  in  black,  green,  dark  blue,  and 
red.  The  dots  indicate  grains  of  corn  ; and  the  whole  figure  is  symbolic  of  corn, 
representing  no  doubt  a transverse  section  of  an  ear  of  corn.  Compare  the 
design  on  Grandmother  Growth’s  right  cheek  (p.  45),  also  the  designs  on  the 
cheeks  of  the  Corn  Mother  (p.  53)  and  the  central  design  on  the  left  cheek  in 
the  facial  painting,  Fig.  277,  b.  The  five  bird-like  figures  represent  swallows. 
There  is  an  indication  of  a sixth,  and  probably  there  would  have  been  a seventh 


Fig.  7 (iffs).  Disk  of  Grandfather  Fire,  Lower  Side. 


if  there  had  been  room  for  it.  (/)  Grandfather  Fire  himself  as  a deer-hunter, 
carrying  his  bow,  and  with  arrows  in  his  girdle.  He  is  painted  in  dark  blue,  and 
there  is  some  red  round  the  fingers,  legs,  and  bow,  as  well  as  on  the  ‘ winged  ’ 
part  of  the  arrows.  Note  that  the  bow  is  here  viewed  by  the  Indian  as  a serpent. 
On  each  cheek  are  two  longitudinal  whitish  (most  likely  meant  for  yellow)  stripes, 
expressive  of  the  face  paintin  g ( Chap.  X)  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers,  and  symbolic 
of  rain,  (k)  The  male  Gila  monster.  (/  ) The  female  Gila  monster. 

The  disk  described  expresses  a prayer  for  health,  luck  in  killing  deer,  and 
long  life. 

I have  seen  disks  similar  to  this,  with  a cavity  in  the  centre,  and  with  incised 
linear  designs  filled  in  with  black  and  red,  lying  in  a horizontal  position  on  the 
altars  of  several  god-houses,  to  which  they  had  been  fastened  with  mud.  When- 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  IiUICHOL  INDIANS. 


ever  the  temple  of  Santa  Catarina  is  to  be  renovated,  a disk  like  the  one  described, 
but  of  different  material,  is  left  there,  in  front  of  the  niche  of  Grandfather  Fire, 
and  is  afterwards  taken  to  Mesa  del  Nayarit.  It  is  made  of  pieces  of  split  bam- 
boo interwoven  with  crewel  of  various  colors,  and  every  year  one  is  taken  out  by 
the  hi'kuli-seekers  from  Santa  Catarina  to  the  country  where  the  hi'kuli  grows. 

I also  reproduce  a disk  of  Grandfather  Fire  of  a somewhat  different  pattern 
(Figs.  8,  9),  made  for  me  during  my  first  expedition  to  the  Huichols  by  the 


Fig.  8 (523).  Disk  of  Grandfather  Fire,  Upper  Side.  (Diameter,  22  cm.  ; thickness,  3.5  cm.) 


same  man  who  made  the  preceding  specimen.  According  to  the  maker,  it  is  an 
exact  reproduction  of  the  one  on  which  the  god  of  fire  stands  in  the  temple  of 
Pochotita.  As  will  be  seen,  it  has  some  adornments  obtained  from  Mexican 
stores,  but  it  presents  many  points  of  interest. 

The  upper  surface  (Fig.  8)  is  adorned  with  modern  applications.  Right  in 
the  middle  a small  mirror,  about  5 cm.  in  diameter,  is  fastened  by  means  of  bees- 
wax, in  a hollow  made  purposely  for  it,  so  that  the  surface  of  the  mirror  is  on  a 
level  with  that  of  the  disk.  The  mirror  is  in  this  case  called  si'kuli  or  ‘eye’  (of 
the  god).  At  regular  intervals,  near  the  edge  of  the  disk,  four  round  objects 
called  ‘faces  ’ or  neali'ka  (Chap.  IV),  each  about  6 cm.  in  diameter,  are  attached. 
Each  consists  of  a circular  network  about  4 cm.  in  diameter,  made  from  strings 
of  white  and  blue  beads,  surrounded  by  coils  of  colored  worsted,  all  fastened  to 
the  disk  by  means  of  beeswax.  The  beadwork,  which  resembles  that  done  by  the 
blind  in  this  country,  is  in  reality  the  same  ornament  as  is  worn  by  the  women  for 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


32 

ear-pendants,  and  by  the  men  and  women  as  pendants  to  their  necklaces,  but  it 
here  serves  as  part  of  the  symbolic  object.  The  color  of  the  worsted  on  one  pair 
of  ‘ faces  ’ diametrically  opposite  each  other  is  blue,  and  of  that  on  the  other 
pair  red.  There  are  also  two  paintings  in  black  and  red,  supposed  to  be  serpents 
with  red  mouths.  Between  one  ‘ face  ’ and  the  next,  all  round  this  upper  surface, 
are  two  diamond-shaped  figures,  an  inner  and  an  outer,  formed  by  the  arrangement 
of  layers  of  worsted  on  beeswax.  The  outer  ones  are  yellow,  and  the  inner  ones 


alternately  red  and  blue.  Over  these  diamond-shaped  ornaments,  which  repre- 
sent ‘eyes’  (si'kuli)  of  the  god,  two  double  strings  of  glass  beads  have  been 
placed,  intersecting  each  other  at  right  angles  in  the  middle  of  the  disk,  the  ends 
only  being  fastened  to  the  edge  with  beeswax.  Each  double  string  consists  of 
one  string  of  blue  and  one  of  red  beads.  Large  spots  of  red  and  black  paint 
have  been  daubed  here  and  there. 

According  to  the  maker  of  the  disk,  the  four  points  of  the  compass  do  not 
follow  the  direction  of  the  arms  of  the  cross  of  bead-strings,  but  run  between  them. 
Thus  the  two  blue  ‘ faces  ’ are  in  the  north  and  south,  the  two  red  ones  in  the  east 
and  west,  and  the  two  snakes  in  the  southeast. 

Looking  at  the  reverse  side  of  the  disk  (Lig.  9)  with  the  cardinal  points  the 
same  as  on  the  first  side,  we  find  in  the  middle  a linear  carvincr  of  a deer  with 
antlers  (a).  The  lines  of  the  carving  are  colored  black,  and  there  are  a few  red 
and  black-and-red  spots  on  body  and  tail.  Above  the  deer  (north  of  it)  is  a 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


33 


painting,  in  red  and  black,  of  a front  view  of  the  royal  eagle  (3).  It  is,  as 
always  when  seen  from  the  front,  represented  as  double-headed,  and  even  the  heart 
(c)  is  in  this  case  pictured  as  two.  In  front  of  the  deer  as  well  as  below  its  hind- 
legs is  a figure  (d)  representing  plumes  of  the  royal  eagle  (Ve'lika  moye'li), 
the  parallel  lines  within  each  signifying  wing-feathers.  Such  a figure,  which 
is  found  on  several  ceremonial  objects  (see,  for  instance,  Figs.  262,  276  b, 
277  e,f,  278  d),  always  signifies  a back-shield  ‘bed’  (ita'li)  of  the  god  in  ques- 
tion, with  plumes  of  some  eagle  or  hawk  of  the  god  (represented  by  the  curved 
lines)  attached.  Sometimes  there  are  lines  crossing  the  parallel  lines,  as  in 
Figs.  276,  b (left  cheek),  277,  f.  In  the  latter  case  one  is  reminded  of  the 
appearance  of  hawimita'li  (see  p.  138),  which  they  are  undoubtedly  intended  to 
represent.  When  the  ‘bed’  is  represented  by  longitudinal  lines  alone,  these 
lines  represent  sometimes  wing-feathers,  as  here  and  in  Fig.  277,  e ; some- 
times tail-feathers,  as  in  Fig.  276,  a;  and  in  one  instance  they  probably  stand 
for  candles,  as  in  Fig.  278,  d.  Behind  the  deer  is  a figure  symbolic  of  the 
world  ( e ),  — a picture  of  the  earth,  showing  the  hills  and  valleys,  and  in  the 
middle  the  four  cardinal  points.  Below  it  is  a figure  of  the  hawk  Piwa'mi  (_/). 
The  round  clots  on  the  sides  of  the  wing-feathers  as  well  as  on  the  eagle  and  the 
hawk,  are  part  of  the  plumage,  indicating  the  natural  marks  on  the  feathers. 
Above  the  tail  is  a figure  (77)  which  represents  the  fruit  of  a certain  kind  of  cactus 
(Mex.  Sp.  huisnaga),  said  to  be  without  spines.  It  is  called  in  Huichol  huwi'li. 
It  is  brought  by  hi'kuli-seekers  from  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli,  and,  although  not 
used  at  the  feast,  is  considered  as  ‘ medicine.’ 

The  rim  of  the  disk  is  adorned  with  a zigzag  design  made  of  yellow,  blue, 
and  red  worsted,  fastened  by  means  of  beeswax,  as  well  as  with  daubs  of  red  and 
black  paint.  The  meaning  of  the  zigzag  is  the  same  as  that  in  Figs.  4 and  5. 

Fig.  10  shows  a disk  taken  from  the  little  temple  at  Teaka'ta.  It  used  to 
stand  at  the  feet  of  the  ancient  idol,  and  children  when  sick  were  seated  on  it 
while  being  bathed  with  holy  water  from  the  pool  of  Grandmother  Growth,  which 
is  situated  in  a cave  near  by.  On  one  surface  it  is  painted  blue  with  indigo,  and  two 
figures  of  deer,  feet  to  feet,  are  pecked  into  it,  one  of  them  having  antlers.  The 
one  with  antlers  represents  the  deer  god  in  the  south  ; and  the  roe  is  called 
Piwa'mi,  because  its  ‘plumes’  are  those  of  the  hawk  Piwa'mi  (pp.  21,  22). 

The  next  one  (Fig.  11)  is  also  from  Teaka'ta,  where  it  was  lying  on  the 
ground  inside  of  the  little  temple.  It  is  very  similar  to  the  preceding  one,  and 
dedicated  to  the  same  god.  On  one  surface  are  seen  two  roughly  made  carvings 
of  deer,  both  with  antlers,  and  feet  to  feet.  A diametrical  line  separates  them, 
signifying  the  earth  on  which  they  walk.  One  of  the  figures  has  at  one  place 
some  blue  beads  attached  by  means  of  wax,  and  the  other  has  white  ones  attached 
in  the  same  way.  The  first  one  is  the  deer  god  in  the  south,  and  the  second  the 
deer  god  in  the  north.  The  first  one  represents  Grandfather  Fire,  and  the  second 
Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail.  On  this  disk,  so  the  Indians  assured  me,  is  repre- 
sented primarily  Grandfather  Fire  and  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail ; but,  to  use 


34 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


their  expression,  it  “becomes  the  same  as  ” if  the  deer  god  in  the  south  and  the 
deer  god  in  the  north  had  been  carved.  This  shows  that  the  deer  god  in  the  south 
is  one  of  the  impersonations  of  Grandfather  Fire,  and  the  deer  god  in  the 
north  one  of  the  impersonations  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail.  The  disk 
expresses  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  deer. 


Fig.  io.  Fig.  ii.  Fig.  12. 

Figs.  10  (335),  11  (tstuF  12  (/3V).  Disks  of_Grandfather  Fire,  Upper  Sides.  (Diameter,  8.5  cm.,  15  cm.,  11.5  cm.,  respectively  ; thick 
ness,  2-2.5  cm-i  3-4  cm.,  2-3  cm.) 


The 
cated  to 


Fig.  13UI75) 
Upper  Side.  ( 
ness,  2 cm.) 


next  disk  (Fig.  12),  also  from  the  same  locality,  is  very  similar  and  dedi- 
the  same  god,  the  carvings  being  the  same,  but  bearing  traces  of  a blue 
color.  The  meaning  of  the  deer  is  the  same  as  in 
the  preceding  specimens.  Round  the  edge  of  this 
surface  are  notches  at  regular  distances  apart.  Food- 
offerings  were  put  on  this  disk,  which  I found  placed 
close  to  the  upper  idol. 

Finally  should  be  mentioned  a diminutive  disk 
(Fig.  13)  of  the  same  god,  which  I also  found  lying 
on  the  floor  of  the  same  little  temple,  among  the 
arrows.  To  one  surface  is  fastened,  by  means  of  bees- 
wax, a coil  made  from  a string  of  red  beads.  It 
signifies  the  heart  of  a child,  and  the  whole  disk  em- 
bodies a prayer  to  Grandfather  Fire  that  the  child 
may  not  be  sick. 


Disk  of  Grandfather  Fire 
Diameter,  4.5  cm. ; thick- 


Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  and  his  Disk.  — Next  in  order  is  Great- 
grandfather Deer-Tail,  whose  image  is  shown  in  Figs.  14  and  15.  It  was  painted 
by  the  same  man  who  painted  Figs.  6 and  7.  It  is  carved  out  of  solidified 
volcanic  ash,  and  differs  very  little  from  the  image  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Fig.  3), 
the  arms  in  this  one  being,  however,  mere  stumps. 

Front  and  back  are  decorated  with  paintings  in  yellow  and  red,  yellow  being 
the  predominant  color.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  yellow  color  is  brought 
from  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli,  therefore  this  color  might  have  been  expected  on 
this  figure,  because  the  god  whom  it  represents  is  a master  of  hi'kuli. 


LU M HOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


35 


On  the  face  are  seen  paintings  in  yellow  of  the  same  kind  as  those  used  by  the 
hi'kuli-seekers  (Chap.  X).  That  over  the  nose  represents  a small  serpent  called 
Rai'no.  From  above  each  eye  descends  the  figure  of  a rattlesnake,  the  tails  end- 
ing underneath  the  chin.  The  vertical  lines  on  each  cheek  represent  falling  rain. 

The  chest  is  decorated  with  a large  round  figure  in  yellow  and  red,  — a front- 
shield  or  neali'ka  of  the  god  (Tato'tsi  nealikai'ya).  The  circular  figure  in  the 
middle,  with  an  inscribed  cross,  represents  his  heart,  and  the  five  red  dots  painted 
on  it  are  symbols  of  grains  of  corn.  The  short  lines  which  project  from  the 


Fig.  M*  Fig.  15. 

Figs.  14,  15  (iffkr)-  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  Front  and  Back  Views.  (Height,  29  cm.) 


outer  edge  of  the  circular  figure,  as  well  as  those  emanating  from  the  succeeding 
circle,  are  symbols  of  hi'kuli.  The  flower-like  figures  outside  of  the  second  circle 
represent  the  leaves  of  a bush  called  toy,  the  root  of  which  is  gathered  for  paint- 
ing the  faces  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers.  The  yellow  tongue-like  figures  on  the  edge 
represent  a short  grass  that  is  used  by  the  hi'kuli-seekers  when  on  the  road  in 
kindling  fires  from  ignited  tinder.  It  is  called  yemokwa'li.  The  same  grass  is 
burnt  for  use  in  coloring  the  glue  employed  in  manufacturing  chairs.  On  the 
inner  edge  of  the  border  of  tongues  are  some  dots  and  small  leaf  designs  which 
represent  fallen  leaves  of  the  same  bush,  toy.  The  spaces  between  the  yellow 
tongues  have  been  painted  with  red  in  order  to  finish  off  the  shield. 

Over  the  right  arm,  from  the  neck  down,  hangs  a serpent  called  Ha'tsi, 
painted  red  with  yellow  spots.  This  serpent  is  said  to  be  about  60  cm.  long.  It 
lives  on  the  ground,  and  is  believed  to  be  efficacious  in  bringing  luck  to  the 
women  in  their  textile  work  : therefore  the  design  of  this  snake  is  very  appro- 


36  LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 

priate  for  the  god,  who  is  frequently  implored  for  luck  in  handiwork.  Whenever 
such  a snake  is  accidentally  met  with,  it  is  caught  for  this  purpose  by  the  husband, 
father,  or  mother  of  a woman,  and  held  up  to  her  that  she  may  make  five 
strokes  along  its  back  from  head  to  tail.  The  arrow-maker  and  the  painter 
implore  this  god  in  the  same  manner. 

On  the  left  side,  from  the  neck  over  the  shoulder  backwards,  hangs  another 
serpent  called  Kopi'rka.  It  is  painted  in  red.  This  snake,  which  is  said  to  be 
about  30  cm.  long,  is  venomous,  and  lives  in  the  canons.  It  is  implored  for 
luck  by  men  who  want  to  make  snares  for  catching  deer.  It  is  not,  however, 
like  the  other  one,  caught  for  the  purpose,  but  the  men  pray  directly  to  its  master, 
Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail. 

Under  each  arm  a tobacco-gourd,  a necessary  part  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers’ 
outfit,  is  carved,  and  painted  with  red  and  yellow  spots. 

On  the  back  (Fig.  15)  is  a figure  of  the  red-tailed  hawk  in  profile,  painted 
in  yellow.  The  design  representing  the  heart  of  the  bird  is  very  similar  to  that 
representing  the  front-shield  on  the  front  of  the  image;  the  beak,  eye,  and  four 
spots  on  the  ‘ heart,’  are  red.  It  may  be  of  interest  to  note  that  the  picture  of  the 
hawk  is  called  in  Huichol  kwi'ram  ta'rai,  the  latter  word  meaning  the  yellow 
root  from  which  the  color  is  obtained.  The  name  means,  to  give  a free  transla- 
tion, ‘hawk  painted  yellow.’  It  is  dedicated  to  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  and 
to  other  gods.  It  is,  to  speak  with  the  Indians,  ‘Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail’s 
plumes’  (Tato'tsi  Ma'ra  Kwa'ri  moye'li),  the  meaning  of  which  has  been  ex- 
plained on  pp.  20,  21. 

On  the  head  is  represented  a circlet  of  macaw-feathers  fastened  to  a string, 
which  is  worn  at  the  feast,  attached  to  the  straw  hats  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers.  The 

four  in  the  middle  in  the  form  of  a cross 
are  supposed  to  have  been  blown  over  by 
the  wind. 

This  image  is  like  those  that  are  left 
in  the  god-house  of  Great-grandfather 
Deer-Tail  at  Teaka'ta,  where  this  god, 
another  master  of  hi'kuli,  is  implored  for 
luck  on  the  journey  to  fetch  the  plants. 
He  is  supposed  to  have  in  his  possession 
all  the  hi'kuli  that  the  Huichols  use  in 
their  country ; and  when  he  wants  more, 
he  sends  to  Elder  Brother  for  them.  The 
Indians  also  say  that  the  hi'kuli  of  Great- 
grandfather Deer-Tail  is  considered  the 
best. 

The  image  stands  on  a disk  (Fig.  16) 
very  much  like  that  of  the  god  of  fire 
(F  igs.  3-5),  only  both  sides  bear  the  carving  of  the  white-tailed  hawk. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


37 


Father  Sun  (Tayau')  and  i-iis  Disk.  — According  to  the  description  of 
the  Indians,  the  Sun  is  represented  as  a small  reddish  ball  of  stone  in  his  god- 
house  at  Teaka'ta  (p.  17).  A disk  of  the  god  (Tayau'  te'pali)  is  shown  in  Fig. 
17,  also  in  Plate  II,  Pigs.  1 and  2.  It  was  made  at  my  request,  and  it  was  con- 
sidered by  another  Indian  who  was  making  disks  for  me  as  a true  representation. 

The  greater  part  of  the  main  surface  (Plate  II,  Fig.  1)  is  taken  up  with  a 
picture  of  the  sun,  which  is  represented  as  a central  circular  space  (called  the  ‘ face 
[neali'ka]  of  Father  Sun  ’)  in  yellow  and  green,  with  rays  of  red,  brown,  yellow,  and 
blue  emanating  from  it,  called  his  ‘ arrows’  (Tayau'  ulu').  The  many  dotted  lines 
scattered  among  the  rays  form  a peculiar  feature  of  this  design  : these  are  sym- 
bolic of  grains  of  corn  (Tayau'  iku'). 

The  red  cross  to  one  side  of  the  rays  is  a symbol  of  money  belonging  to 
the  Sun  (Tayau'  tomi'ni,  tomi'n  being  the  word  for  ‘ money’  in  a Mexican-Spanish 
dialect),  and  also  symbolizes  the  rising  sun.  'The  triangular  figures  attached  to 
the  inner  side  of  the  circular  band  surrounding  the  rays  represent  clouds  (Tayau' 
hai).  They  are  red  or  yellow  in  color.  Outside  of  this  band  are  seen  a number 
of  beehive-shaped  figures  in  black,  surrounded  by  red  and  yellow  dots.  Within 
each  a Greek  cross  is  painted,  and  there  are  four  dots  of  green  or  red  surrounding 
each  cross.  These  beehive-shaped  figures  represent  hills  (kwie',  the  same  word 
as  that  used  for  ‘earth  ’)  planted  with  corn.  Accordingly  the  red  and  yellow  dots 
that  surround  the  hills  represent  corn-fields  (wa'ra).  The  crosses  are  signs  of 
money,  and  the  dots  around  each  cross  are  grains  of  corn. 

Along  the  edge  of  the  disk  runs  a broad  reddish-colored  band  representing 
the  sky  in  the  daytime  (tahei'ma),  ‘another  sea.’1  On  it  are  painted  large  white 
circular  spots  representing  stars  (rula've).  Along  the  inner  edge  of  this  band  are 
triangular  figures  in  red  or  blue,  representing  clouds.  There  may  also  be  seen 
the  outlines  in  red  of  similar  figures,  with  a single  dot  of  red  on  each  : these 
represent  mountains  and  the  springs  within  them. 

The  upper  surface  of  the  disk  is  thus  expressive  of  the  following  thought 
and  prayer:  Father  Sun,  with  his  front-shield  (or  ‘face’)  and  his  arrows,  rises  in 
the  east,  bringing  money,  that  is  to  say  wealth,  to  his  people.  His  heat  and  the 
light  from  his  rays  make  the  corn  grow  ; but  he  is  asked,  on  the  other  hand,  not 
to  interfere  with  the  clouds  that  are  gathering,  that  the  hills  may  become  re- 
splendent with  corn-fields.  Even  inside  of  the  hills  are  found  treasures  of  money 
and  corn,  for  all  mountains  are  rich  ; to  the  farthest  limits  of  the  world  appear 
clouds  ; and  the  mountains  contain  a spring,  every  one.  In  the  heavens  above, 
that  rise  from  the  sea,  sparkle  the  stars,  which  also  help  the  Huichol. 

On  the  reverse  side  (Fig.  17,  also  Plate  II,  Fig.  2)  is  an  illustration  of  the 
Sun’s  progress  in  the  daytime,  and  of  the  animals  belonging  to  him.  Most  of 
the  figures  here  are  cut  into  the  disk,  besides  being  painted.  The  apparent  journey 
of  the  sun  is  symbolized  by  a large  cross-like  figure,  which  forms  the  most  con- 
spicuous feature  of  the  designs.  It  consists  of  a central  circle,  to  which  four 


1 The  sky  at  night  is  tupa'keta.  Night  is  yu'wekgta. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICIIOL  INDIANS. 


33 

rounded  figures  are  attached.  These  five  variously  colored  figures  are  all  dif- 
ferent ‘aspects’  or  ‘faces’  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  nealikai'ya).  a,  the  central 
one,  is  the  sun  as  it  appears  in  the  middle  of  the  day  (to'ka).  It  is  painted 
yellow,  with  a broad  circular  band  of  blue  near  the  middle.  To  the  edge, 

which  is  also  painted  blue,  are  attached  short  radial  stripes  in  red,  blue,  and 
yellow,  representing  the  Sun’s  rays,  symbolic  of  his  arrows,  b,  c,  cl,  and  e, 
the  remaining  four  ‘aspects’  of  the  sun,  have  each  a special  name.  It  should 
be  noted  that  these  have  an  incomplete  circumference,  their  outlines  run- 
ning into  the  outlines  of  the  cross,  b is  the  ‘face’  of  the  Sun  in  the  east 
or  at  sunrise  (sime'li).  The  central  part  is  a circular  yellow  space,  and  is  sur- 
rounded by  a blue  section  followed  by  a red  one.  A narrow  blue  band,  with 


short  radial  blue  lines  emanating  from  it,  forms  the  edge  of  the  ‘ face.’  The 
short  radial  lines  symbolize  the  plumes  of  the  east,  which  are  taken  from  a hawk 
called  Kwir  yo'wi.  c is  the  ‘face’  of  the  Sun  in  the  south  (selia'ta).  It  is 
similar  in  its  coloring  to  the  preceding  one,  with  the  exception  that  there  is  red 
instead  of  yellow  in  the  central  part.  The  short  radial  lines  in  this  figure  signify 
plumes  of  the  south,  of  the  hawk  Suli'kwai.  d is  the  ‘face’  of  the  Sun  in 
the  north  (ota'ta).  The  coloring  is  similar  to  that  of  the  preceding  one,  with 
the  exception  of  the  central  part,  which  is  blue,  and  the  surrounding  section, 
which  is  yellow.  The  short  blue  radial  stripes  signify  the  plumes  of  the  north, 
namely,  of  the  white-tailed  hawk,  e is  the  ‘ face  ’ of  the  Sun  in  the  west  (so'tega). 
This  figure  differs  from  the  others  in  that  the  inner  painting  is  star-shaped  instead 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


39 


of  circular.  The  edge  of  the  star  is  red,  and  the  rest  blue  with  the  exception  of 
a yellow  spot  in  the  centre.  The  blue  radial  stripes  in  this  figure  signify 
plumes  of  the  west,  that  is,  of  a hawk  called  Ra'tu.  The  names  of  the  cardinal 
points  indicated  above  are  taken  from  a bas-relief  of  Grandfather  Fire  in  his 
niche  in  the  temple  of  Santa  Catarina.  Here  he  is  seen  as  a man  with  arms  up- 
lifted, the  palms  of  the  hands  turned  forward,  and  the  face  toward  sunrise.  In 
front  of  him  is  east  (hi'rata)  ; at  his  right  elbow,  south  (selia'ta)  ; at  his  left,  north 
(ota'ta)  ; above  him  is  the  sky  (tahei'ma)  ; the  staircase  below  him  is  west 
(so'tega).  His  navel  is  hiru'apa,  which  is  the  dancing-place  of  the  temple,  the 
middle  of  the  world.  It  is  also  called  saulia'pa,  that  is,  ‘ belonging  to  the 

shaman.’  It  should  be  added,  that  the  cardinal  points  are  indicated  by  the  sun 
in  still  another  way  than  that  given  on  the  disk  : namely,  the  middle  of  the  day 
as  well  as  the  east  is  rn'li  (‘  heat  ’)  ; the  south  is  Tayau',  also  tata'ta  (‘  our 
father’)  ; the  north  is  Tave'rilA  ; and  the  west  is  Sakaimo'ka.  Ta'ta  is  a word 
generally  used  by  Mexicans  to  designate  the  father  of  an  Indian,  and  has  been 
adopted  by  the  Indians  themselves.  The  same  is  the  case  with  na'na,  the  word 
for  mother.  Whether  ta'ta  is  of  Huichol  origin  or  not,  I could  not  tell,  possibly 
not.  If  it  is,  it  would  indicate  the  same  as  Tayau'  (‘our  father’)  (cf.  p.  14,  on 
the  six  regions),  f is  the  male  red-tailed  hawk,  painted  blue,  g is  the  female 
red-tailed  hawk,  painted,  body  red,  and  the  rest  blue,  h is  the  morning  star 
Tonoa'mi,  painted  in  red  and  yellow  (cf  pp.  15,  58).  i is  the  male  scorpion, 
Tealu'ka  uki',  painted  red.  j is  the  female  scorpion,  Tealu'ka  u'ka,  painted  yellow 
with  red  outlines.  These  two  scorpions  symbolize  the  arrows  of  the  Sun.  k shows 
the  tail-feathers  of  the  red-tailed  hawk,  — the  plumes  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau' 
moye'li),  — and  are  painted  red.  I shows  the  breast-feathers  of  the  same  hawk, 
and  they  represent  the  wristlet  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  matzu'wa).  m shows 
two  crosses  which  represent  money.  The  Sun  is  supposed  to  have  five  such 
crosses,  which  the  principal  men  gave  him  in  the  beginning  of  time,  n is  a 
swallow  (ista'me).  o is  a small  red-breasted  bird  called  Tauku'koy.  p is  a 
tree  or  pole  on  which  the  bird  just  mentioned  will  alight,  q is  the  cardinal 
bird.  The  three  birds,  n,  0,  q,  became  much  frightened  when  the  Sun  first 
rose,  and  (lew  toward  the  west,  singing  ; but  their  fear  was  unwarranted,  for 
everything  turned  out  well.  Since  then  they  have  belonged  to  the  Sun  ; and 
up  to  this  day  these  three  birds  may  be  seen  in  the  sunshine,  that  is  to  say,  in  the 
Sun’s  company,  r,  s,  are  linear  designs,  in  red  and  blue,  representing  respectively 
lightning  and  rain.  / is  a serpent  called  Tate'  Ipou.  It  is  painted  red,  blue, 
and  yellow.  According  to  the  description  of  the  Indians,  it  is  a very  beautiful, 
non-venomous  serpent.  When  the  Sun  first  appeared,  the  world  became  intensely 
hot  (maruli'r),  which  caused  a serpent  of  this  kind  to  spring  forth.  Then  it  began 
to  rain  (s).  That  is  what  is  represented  in  this  section  of  the  disk,  u shows 
two  coiled  serpents,  v shows  two  serpents  in  a creeping  position.  These  last 
four  serpents  are  all  of  the  same  kind  as  the  one  above  (t)  ; and  their  ‘ pictures  ’ 
are  meant  to  show  how,  when  the  Sun  first  rose,  some  of  the  serpents  followed  him, 


40 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


and  others  remained  behind.  The  ones  that  followed  him  are  represented  by  the 
three  in  motion  ; and  those  that  remained  behind,  by  the  two  coiled  ones.  Close 
to  each  serpent  is  a round  spot  of  red,  and  in  one  case  an  oblong  and  yellow  spot. 
These  are  front-shields,  for  each  serpent  has  its  own  shield.  Along  the  edge  is 
a broad  band  of  reddish  color  similar  to  the  one  on  the  other  surface  of  the  disk, 
only  that  in  this  the  spots  are  white  and  yellow.  Like  the  other,  it  represents 
the  sky. 

A disk  of  the  kind  described  above  is  placed  on  the  altar  of  the  god-house 
of  Father  Sun  at  Teaka'ta,  as  a prayer  that  people  and  cattle  may  not  be  over- 
come with  heat  and  die.  Generally  the  material  is  split  bamboo  interwoven  with 
cotton  cord  and  crewel.  Hi'kuli-seekers,  in  the  wet  season,  before  they  start  out 
on  their  journey,  take  such  a disk  to  Mesa  del  Nayarit,  and  leave  it,  in  order  that 
it  may  continue  to  rain.  On  their  journey  to  fetch  the  hi'kuli-plant  they  take 
similar  disks  with  them,  depositing  them  in  the  country  where  the  plant  grows,  as 
prayers  for  life. 

Disk  of  the  Setting  Sun,  Sakaimo'ka.  — I shall  next  describe  a disk  of 
the  Setting  Sun,  or  Sakaimo'ka  te'pali  (Figs.  18-20,  also  Plate  II,  Figs.  3 and  4). 
It  was  made  and  painted  at  my  request  by  the  same  man  who  made  that  pictured 
in  Figs.  6 and  7. 


The  designs  on  the  upper  surface  (Fig.  18)  are  : — (a)  The  front-shield  of 
Sakaimo'ka  (Sakaimo'ka  neali'ka),  painted  in  green,  with  some  red  spots.  (5) 
Pour  plumes  attached  to  the  outer  edge  of  a.  These  are  the  plumes  of  a large 
bird  called  Hala'mali,  which,  according  to  the  description  of  the  Indians,  must  be 
a cormorant  : its  habit  is  to  sit  on  the  rocks  and  wait  for  the  sun  to  rise  ; then  it 
turns  toward  the  sun  and  dives  underneath  the  water.  The  plumes  are  arranged 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


4 1 


in  opposite  pairs.  Those  of  the  male  bird  are  dark  blue  ; and  those  of  the  female, 
green,  (r)  Tail-feathers  of  a large  wader  from  the  west  coast  of  Mexico,  called 
Walimu'kali,  represented  by  four  figures 
looking  somewhat  like  palm-trees,  and 
colored  green  and  red.  (d)  Four  gigantic 
water-bugs  of  the  family  Belostomidce, 
called  in  Huichol  Towali'r  (Mex.  Sp. 
nixtiguil ),  represented  by  four  diamond- 
shaped figures  edged  with  short  lines,  all  in  blue.  I heir  habitat,  according  to  the 
Indians,  is  in  the  creeks,  especially  on  the  coast.  They  ascend  frequently  to  the 
surface  of  the  water,  and  go  down  again,  which  movement  the  Indians  take  to 
mean  that  they  lift  up  the  water,  thus  helping  to  produce  rain.  ( e ) Votive  bowls, 
— small  star-like  figures  painted  in  yellow  ( cf.  big.  20,  d).  Yellow  votive  bowls 
are  brought  to  Sakai mo'ka  (Mesa  del  Nayarit)  as  offerings.  (/)  The  earth  (the 
band  near  the  edge)  and  its  corn-plants  (the  green  and  yellow  stripes  attached 
to  the  band). 

On  the  reverse  side  (Fig.  19)  are  seen  : — (a)  A parrot  called  Totowi',  found 
at  Mesa  del  Nayarit,  painted  in  yellow  and  red.  (b)  An  irregular  figure,  painted 
in  blue,  intended  to  represent  the  caves  at  Mesa  del  Nayarit,  where  disks  of  this  kind 
are  left.  The  caves  are  called  Tealu'ta.  (c)  A large  land-serpent  called  Hulia'kami, 
painted  in  red  and  yellow.  A peculiar  ring  over  the  head  is  meant  to  represent 
a snare  for  catching  deer.  The  Huichols,  when  they  want  to  catch  deer,  pray  to 
this  serpent  before  they  put  out  the  snares,  because,  as  will  be  remembered,  deer 
must  be  entrapped  to  insure  the  growth  of  corn.  The  short  lines  which  radiate 
from  the  outer  edge  of  the  snare  signify  corn-plants,  (d)  A serpent  in  blue, 
the  sky,  which  in  this  case  is  synonymous  with  the  wind.  When  clouds  gather 
from  the  west,  this  is  one  of  the  serpents,  or  winds,  that  bring  them  along. 
(f)  A water-serpent  found  in  the  sea,  and  called  Koyu'wime.  It  is  one  of  the 
Mothers  of  the  sea  (Tate'  Alama'la),  and  lives  on  islands.  The  body  is  colored 
red,  with  some  dark  red  spots.  It  has,  as  will  be  noted,  two  heads,  one  at  each 
end.  The  lines  along  the  back  of  the  serpent,  colored  green,  blue,  and  red,  are 
symbolic  of  raindrops.  This  is  another  serpent  which  comes  along  with  clouds 
from  the  sea  to  the  country  of  the  Huichols.  ( e ) Round  dots  signifying  grains 
of  corn,  (g)  The  root  of  the  squash-plant,  painted  in  green.  (/i)  The  root 
of  a young  bean-plant. 

On  the  rim  of  the  disk  (Fig.  20)  are  represented: — (a)  The  serpent  god, 
Sakaimo'ka  himself, — the  blue  zigzag  line.  The  head  of  the  serpent  is  plainly 
distinguishable.  He  was  in  former  times  the  Sun’s  arrow.  On  the  head  are  seen 
( b ) plumes  (a'na)  in  blue  or  red.  (r)  A butterfly,  painted  blue,  (d)  Votive 
bowls,  — the  circular  figures  between  each  turn  of  the  serpent,  most  of  them  blue, 
and  a few  of  them  yellow.  This  god  “ owns,”  to  speak  with  the  Indians,  “ black 
[expressed  by  blue  on  the  drawing,  but  meant  to  be  black  | or  yellow  votive 
bowls”  (cf.  designs  of  votive  bowls  in  Figs.  39,  277,^). 


42 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


When  the  hi'kuli-seekers  return  from  their  long  journey,  they  deposit  at 
Skaimo'ka  (Mesa  del  Nayarit)  a disk  similar  to  this  in  its  ornamentations,  but 
made  from  pieces  of  split  bamboo  interwoven  with  cotton  cord  or  crewel,  bringing 
at  the  same  time  a disk  from  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli.  As  is  evident,  all  the  de- 
signs on  this  disk,  with  the  exception  of  those  expressive  of  corn,  squashes,  and 
beans,  are  from  the  region  west  of  the  Huichol  country,  the  Setting  Sun’s  domain, 
and  therefore  very  appropriate  for  the  god  of  that  region.  The  prayer  expressed 
is  that  there  may  be  no  sickness  among  cattle,  sheep,  and  hens. 

Elder  Brother.  — Figs.  21  and  22  represent  an  image  of  Elder  Brother, 
the  god  of  wind  or  air  and  hi'kuli,  — a reproduction  of  one  that  stands  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Pochotita,  near  Santa  Catarina.  It  is  made  from  solidified 
volcanic  ash.  The  legs  are  apart,  and  there  are  distinct  indications  of  arms. 


Fig.  21.  Fig.  22. 

Figs.  21,  22  Cffig).  Elder  Brother,  Front  and  Back  Views.  (Height,  about  24  cm.) 


The  face  is  fairly  well  carved,  and  the  ears  are  placed  almost  in  their  right  place. 
The  nose  and  eyes  are  distinct.  Under  each  arm  is  a prominence  representing 
the  hi'kuli-seeker’s  tobacco-gourd.  The  whole  figure,  although  clumsy,  is  fairly 
well  executed,  and  resembles  the  ancient  style  of  art  of  more  advanced  Indian 
tribes. 

The  ground  color  is  black.  The  right  side  below  the  arms  is  smeared  with 
red,  and  the  left  with  yellow  paint.  On  the  face  on  both  sides  are  longitudinal 
stripes,  alternately  red  and  yellow  (in  one  place  on  the  right  cheek  white  has 
been  substituted  for  yellow).  These  signify  rain,  which,  in  the  mind  of  the 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


43 


Indian,  has  many  colors  (see  p.  20).  The  row  of  stripes,  some  red  and  some 
yellow,  painted  over  the  arms,  shoulders,  and  upper  part  of  the  back,  and  run- 
ning longitudinally  to  the  body,  has  the  same  significance.  On  the  right  arm 
they  are  alternately  red  and  yellow,  and  on  the  left  arm  only  red.  Of  those  on  the 
back  and  shoulders,  four  are  red,  and  one  (the  middle  one)  yellow.  The  hi'kuli- 
seekers  of  to-day,  however,  so  far  as  I am  aware,  no  longer  wear  any  such 
ornamentation  on  the  body.  On  each  side  of  the  face,  outside  of  the  stripes,  is 
the  picture  of  a deer-antler  in  yellow,  referring  to  the  god’s  first  appearance  as  a 
deer  in  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli.  The  mouth,  nose,  and  ears  are  painted 
red,  as  are  also  lines  indicative  of  fingers.  On  the  breast  is  painted,  in  yellow, 
red,  and  white  stripes,  the  hawk  Piwa'mi  ; on  the  left  shoulder,  in  red  lines, 
an  owl  ; on  the  back,  in  red,  white,  and  yellow,  the  front  view  of  the  hawk 
Suli'kwai, — all  birds  belonging  to  the  god.  The  top  of  the  head  is  painted 
with  four  red  daubs  ; and  the  tobacco-gourds  under  each  arm,  with  yellow  and 
red  dots.  The  latter,  as  already  stated,  are  necessary  in  the  equipment  of  every 
hi'kuli-seeker,  and  imply  that  the  god  carries  sacred  tobacco  (ya'kwai),  which 
is  always  associated  with  the  cult  of  hi'kuli,  thus  representing  him  as  the  god 
of  hi'kuli.  The  facial  paintings,  which  are  those  of  the  hi'kuli-seeker,  have  the 
same  significance  as  the  gourds. 

o o 

Grandmother  Growth  and  her  Attributes.  — In  Fig.  23  is  seen  a 
representation  of  Grandmother  Growth,  the  mother  of  the  gods.  She  is  in  full 
attire,  and  surrounded  by  a complete  ceremonial  outfit.  Flaving  once  seen  an 
image  of  this  Mother  in  her  cave  (Nakawe'  kia  or  iki'a  [ house])  near  Santa  Cata- 
rina, I persuaded  one  of  my  shaman  friends  to  make  a similar  one,  which  is  here 
reproduced.  The  original  was  deposited  on  a natural  shelf  in  the  large  cave,  and 
was  inaccessible  to  me.  It  was  brought  down  to  me,  however,  for  inspection,  and 
I found  it  to  have  been  made  quite  recently,  by  a friend  of  mine,  Felipe,  one  of 
the  chief  men  of  Santa  Catarina. 

The  image  here  shown  is  rather  clumsily  carved  out  of  the  wood  of  a 
fig-tree  called  pTni'.  The  legs  are  apart,  the  knees  bent,  and  the  figure  rests  on  a 
disk  carved  out  of  the  same  block  of  wood.  A wedge-like  piece  has  been  cut  out 
from  the  front  part  of  the  disk,  thus  producing  two  rude  representations  of  feet 
( cf.  Fig.  47,  where  legs  and  feet  have  been  similarly  carved).  Toes  are  indicated 
by  slight  notches  on  the  outer  edges.  Projections  at  either  side  suggest  arms. 
The  head  is  profusely  covered  with  hair  made  from  the  fine  wool  of  pithaya 
(katsima'la),  which  has  been  fastened  on  by  means  of  a glue  called  kwe'tsaka. 

I he  body  is  covered  with  black,  red,  and  yellow  spots,  symbolic  of  corn  of  all 
colors,  and  there  are  similar  spots  on  the  face.  Besides  these,  will  be  noticed 
various  symbolic  designs.  On  the  left  cheek  (Fig.  24)  is  a picture,  in  black  and 
red,  of  a back-shield  suspended  by  a string  (Tako'tsi  namai'ya),  signifying  that 
luck  in  making  ceremonial  back-shields  is  desired  In  front  of  the  left  ear  is  the 
painting  of  a deer-antler  in  red.  It  is  called  ma'ra  awai'ya.  On  the  right  cheek 


44 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


(Fig.  25)  a star-like  ornament  called  ‘eye’  (Nakawe'  si'kuli)  is  painted  in  red, 
yellow,  and  black,  symbolic  of  corn,  representing  no  doubt  a transverse  section 
of  an  ear  of  corn.  In  the  centre  is  a representation  of  a white  flower,  toto( 
which  grows  in  the  wet  season.  This  nomenclature  is  not  in  conformity  with  that 
applied  to  similar  designs,  which  are  usually  called  neali'ka  (‘front-shields,’ 
‘faces,’  or  ‘pictures’).  In  this  case  the  name  si'kuli  was  given  to  me  by  the 
Indians,  which  goes  to  show  that  a neali'ka  can  also  be  a si'kuli.  In  this  opinion 


Fig.  23  Grandmother  Growth  and  her  Attributes.  (Height,  nearly  38  cm.) 


I have  been  confirmed  by  another  similar  instance  (p.  29).  The  black  line  with 
irregular  short  side  lines  represents  a bean-plant. 

The  image  is  dressed  in  a skirt  and  no  less  than  two  tunics,  in  accordance 
with  the  present  custom  of  the  Huichol  women,  who  wear  as  many  tunics 
as  they  can  afford,  one  over  the  other.  The  skirt  consists  of  a piece  of  textile  of 
ixtle  (ma-i'ra)  sparsely  interwoven  in  transverse  stripes  with  red  and  black  yarn. 
This  covers  the  body,  having  been  tied  round  the  waist  so  that  the  stripes 
run  longitudinally.  Toth  tunics  are  of  the  shape  of  the  tunic  of  to-day,  but 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


45 


made  of  material  of  ancient  pattern.  The  tunic  is  always  worn  with  the 
corners  falling  over  the  front  and  back.  In  the  present  specimen  the  tunic  next 
to  the  body  is  a piece  torn  from  an  old  garment,  and  is  made  from  black  and 
white  wool,  with  a border  of  red  on  one  side.  It  is  woven  in  an  ancient  design, 
consisting  of  diamond-shaped  figures  with  a single  spot  in  the  centre  ol  each. 
This  peculiar  pattern  is  called  rai'mali,  which  means  ‘ tripe.’  It  is  intended 
to  represent  the  honeycomb  tripe  of  the  deer.  Three  small  wads  of  a material 
called  in  Mexican  Spanish  pochote  are  fastened  to  it,  — two  on  the  left,  and  one 
on  the  right  side.  Pochote  is  the  wool  of  the  seed-pods  of  a tree  of  the 
same  name,  — a kind  of  silk-cotton  tree  of  the  genus  Bombax.  The  wads,  which 
resemble  those  of  cotton-wool,  are  symbolic  of  clouds.  The  upper  tunic  is  made 
from  ixtle  (ma-i'ra  sikuliai'ya).  Wads  of  black  and  white  wool  ( pochote ),  and 
ravellings  of  red  flannel,  are  interwoven  in  parallel  rows  with  the  textile.  The 
black  wool  is  symbolic  of  black  clouds,  the  white  of  white  clouds,  and  the  red 
of  red  clouds  of  the  evening  sky. 


It  is  of  interest  to  note  the  use  of  pochote  on  this  image  and  on  the 
ceremonial  apparel  presently  to  be  described.  Among  the  Huichols  three  kinds 
of  pochote  wool,  all  whitish,  are  used  in  making  certain  ceremonial  objects. 
According  to  tradition,  Grandmother  Growth,  to  whom  this  plant  specially 
belongs,  in  the  beginning  possessed  pochote  only,  but  now  she  has  cotton  besides  ; 
in  other  words,  on  her  ceremonial  outfit  pochote  was  used  in  former  times,  but 
now  cotton  may  also  be  used.  It  also  implies  that  the  cultivation  of  cotton 
is  of  recent  introduction.  The  symbolic  significance  of  pochote  is  the  same  as 
that  of  cotton-wool,  namely,  that  of  clouds  and  of  health.  The  Huichols  call 
pochote  kapo'ri  and  also  kupu'ri,  which  latter  name  is  also  given  to  cotton-wool. 
This  is  the  name  of  the  water  Mother  in  the  north  ; and  cotton-wool  and  pochote 
are  identified  with  her,  because  she  appears  as  fog  resting  on  the  mountains  of  the 
north.  In  this  connection  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  mention  that  even  hairs 
from  the  tail  of  a deer  may  be  called  kupu'ri.  To  one  ceremonial  arrow  that  I 
collected,  some  hair  from  a deer-tail  had  been  tied,  serving  the  purpose  of  a wad 
of  cotton-wool,  and  called  by  the  same  name,  kupu'ri. 


46 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


There  are  several  springs  in  which  every  Huichol  child  has  to  be  bathed. 
Most  important  among  these  is  the  spring  in  the  cave  of  Grandmother  Growth 
near  Santa  Catarina,  in  which  adults  also  must  once  a year  bathe  or  wash.  The 
image  which  I have  just  described  was  intended  to  pray  for  the  health  of  children, 
and  especially  that  the  water  of  Grandmother  Growth’s  spring,  so  beneficial  to 
mankind,  should  never  dry  up. 

With  the  image  are  connected  the  following  ceremonial  objects  : a disk  on 
which  it  stands,  a votive  bowl  in  front  of  it,  a bed  at  either  side  (north  and  south), 
a serpent  stick  in  each  hand,  one  serpent  placed  in  the  tunic  in  front,  and  another 
stuck  into  that  at  the  back.  All  these  symbolic  paraphernalia  are  prayers  for  mate- 
rial benefits,  as  will  be  shown  under  the  description  of  each. 


Fig.  26.  Fig.  27. 

Figs.  26,  27  (xlfs).  Disk  of  Grandmother  Growth,  Upper  and  Lower  Sides.  (Diameter  of  upper  surface,  13  cm.  ; of  lower  surface,  12  cm. 
thickness,  3 cm.) 


i.  The  disk  (Figs.  26-28)  on  which  the  image  stands  ( Nakawe'  te'pali)  is  not 
quite  regularly  made,  the  thickness  being  uneven,  and  the  under  surface  slightly 
smaller  than  the  upper  one.  It  is  painted  on  both  sides,  and  all  round  the 
rim.  The  upper  surface  (Fig.  26)  represents  the  following  figures,  painted  in 


red:  — (a)  An  ‘eye’  surrounded  by  (b) 
ally  this  design  signifies  ‘ plumes’),  (d ) 
his  plumes.  (/)  Three  front-shields 
A full-grown  deer,  but  still  young 
(Wa'tsi  kyu'kami).  (/z)  A cow.  (z)  A 
turkey,  (j)  A bean-plant,  represented 
by  an  irregular  line  with  short  side- 
lines. It  is  in  fruit,  as  indicated  by 
scattered  spots. 


a corn-field,  (c)  A squash-vine  (gener- 
A macaw,  (e)  A singing  shaman  with 
r ‘faces’  of  the  singing  shaman.  (gr) 


Fig.  28  (iffg).  Rim  of  Disk  of  Grandmother  Growth. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


47 


On  the  under  surface  (Fig.  27)  is  painted  a serpent  of  Grandmother  Growth, 
called  Kopi'rka,  the  same  as  that  of  the  Corn  Mother.  It  is  painted  yellow  and 
partly  blue,  and  is  represented  with  a number  of  red  and  yellow  plumes,  the 
Indian  conception  being  that  the  scales  are  plumes  ; and  the  plumes  mean  that  the 
serpent  has  wings  and  can  fly,  thus  symbolizing  rain  (cf.  p.  20).  The  remaining 
figure  in  blue  is  intended  to  represent  a flying  serpent,  but  there  was  no  room  for 
the  artist  to  paint  the  plumes. 

The  red  design  on  the  rim  (Fig.  28)  is  a zigzag  line  that  represents  the 
bean-plant,  and  the  flowers  of  the  same  plant  will  be  noticed  between  the 
zigzags. 

The  disk  (the  under  side)  symbolizes  prayers  for  rain,  and  the  result  of  it 
(shown  on  the  upper  side)  will  be  a good  crop  of  beans,  corn,  and  squashes, 
khe  shaman,  by  means  of  his  plumes,  which  he  takes  from  the  macaw  and  the 
turkey,  and  by  making  front-shields  adorned  with  plumes  from  the  same  birds, 
helps  to  produce  this  beneficent  result,  sacrificing  at  the  same  time  a deer  and 
a cow.  In  the  centre  of  all  is  seen  the  eye  of  the  goddess,  aiding  by  its  watch- 
fulness the  shaman  and  the  growth  of  the  cereals. 

2.  ddie  votive  bowl  (Nakawe'  rukuliai'ya)  in  front  of  the  image  has  the  usual 
significance  of  that  ceremonial  object  (Chap.  VII).  It  was  cut  out  from  a rather 
thin-skinned  gourd,  and  has  serrated  edges.  Both  the  inside  and  the  outside  are 
painted  with  various  stripes,  dots,  and  symbolic  figures. 

In  the  inside  (Fig.  29),  which  is  the  more  richly  adorned,  are  several  sections 
formed  by  red  radial  stripes  emanating  from  a central  circular  one  of  the  same 

color.  The  serrated  edge  is  here  red.  On  a background  of  very  light  green 

may  be  distinguished  the  following  figures,  all  in  red  with  the  exception  of  the 

dots  and  the  smaller  figures,  which  are  in  yellow  : — (a)  A water-bird  from  the 

coast  catching  a serpent.  The  feet  are  at  the  end  of  the  dotted  line  (a),  and 
the  serpent  is  the  S-shaped  figure  in  light  color  next  to  it.  (b)  A large  deer.  The 
very  large  antlers  show  that  it  is  an  old  animal  (ma'ra  ukila'tsi).  It  is  sur- 
rounded by  grains  and  ears  of  corn,  (z)  A cow,  above  which  are  grains  of  corn, 
while  underneath  it  are  ears  of  corn  ; but  the  designs  are  rather  indistinct,  as 
the  colors,  which  the  artist  put  on  with  the  end  of  a straw,  have  run  together. 
(d ) Two  singing  shamans  guarding  the  corn  from  crows.  In  the  centre  is  the 
front-shield  or  ‘ face’  of  Grandmother  Growth.  The  wad  of  cotton-wool  fastened 
to  it  hides  most  of  it  from  view.  It  appears  simply  as  a ring,  to  the  outer  edge 
of  which  short  red  lines  are  attached.  The  dots  represent  grains  of  corn,  and 
the  stripes  ears  of  corn.  A wad  of  cotton-wool  is  also  attached  to  the  inner  edge 
of  the  bowl. 

On  the  outside  (Fig.  30)  are  radial  stripes  in  red,  blue,  and  yellow,  repre- 
senting a creeper  called  ha'pani,  whose  leaves  are  of  the  various  colors  indicated. 
This  creeper  grows  on  the  mountain-sides,  and  produces  an  edible  fruit  like  the 
tiina,  the  fruit  of  the  nopal.  One  cross  and  one  ear  of  corn  may  also  be  dis- 
tinguished. 


48 


LUlVI HOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


The  votive  bowl  embodies  a prayer  for  corn,  for  which  a deer  and  a cow  have 
been  sacrificed.  The  rain  necessary  for  the  growth  of  corn  is  symbolized  by  a 
bird  swallowing  a serpent,  and  by  the  two  wads  of  cotton-wool.  The  vine  with 
the  edible  fruit  denotes  adoration  of  Grandmother  Growth,  to  whom  it  belongs, 
expressing  at  the  same  time  a prayer  for  a bountiful  supply  of  that  fruit. 


e/ 


Fig.  30. 


Fig.  29. 

Figs.  29,  30  (xffs).  Votive  Bowl  of  Grandmother  Growth,  Inside  and  Outside  Views.  (Diameter,  9.5  cm.) 

3.  The  northern  bed  of  Grandmother  Growth  (ota'ta  [north]  italiai'ya),  which 
lies  on  the  ground  at  her  left  (Fig.  23),  is  an  irregular  square  matting  formed  by 
weaving  together  pieces  of  split  bamboo  reeds.  A twine  of  ixtle  fastened  round 
the  edge  of  the  matting,  and  in  places  wound  over  the  ends  of  the  reeds,  keeps 
it  from  falling  to  pieces.  Both  sides  are  painted  with  ferruginous  clay,  but  to 
the  upper  one  are  also  attached  many  wads  of  pithaya  wool,  which  suggest  a 
comfortable  bed.  The  upper  part  of  the  bed  is  indicated  by  the  position  of  the 
reeds,  which  are  placed  uniformly  with  their  outer  sides  up.  It  expresses  a prayer 
for  luck  in  making  chairs. 

4.  Her  southern  bed  (selia'ta  [south)  ita'li  | bed  | hai'me  | moisture]),  on  her 
right,  is  supposed  to  be  her  favorite  resting-place.  It  consists  of  a double  layer 
of  thin  split  bamboo  sticks,  tied  together  so  as  to  form  a rectangular  matting 
in  a way  to  be  fully  described  hereafter  (Chap.  V).  On  the  under  side  it 
is  painted  red,  while  on  the  top  are  a few  dots  in  yellow.  To  each  corner  is  fas- 
tened a wad  of  pochote  wool,  symbolic  of  clouds;  and  to  the  middle,  by  means 
of  beeswax,  a bunch  of  ixtle  fibre  evenly  cut  off,  and  surrounded  by  small  pieces  of 
the  petals  of  a red  flower,  which  are  stuck  on  the  wax.  It  represents  the  blossom 
of  the  Brazil-tree  ( U'tsa  rutu'li),and  is  a rather  ingenious  reproduction  of  the  real 
flower.  The  Brazil-tree,  which  is  red,  is  sacred  ; and  the  conventionalized  arrow 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


49 


of  Grandmother  Growth  and  that  of  Grandfather  Fire  are  made  from  its  wood. 
On  each  side  of  the  flower  are  two  oval  pieces  (probably  meant  to  be  round)  cut 
from  the  paper-like  cocoons  (toto'roy)  that  are  found  on  the  Madrona-tree 
(totoroy').  These  are  called  neali'ka.  They  are  full  of  diamond-shaped  holes 
cut  with  scissors,  and  their  edges  are  serrated.  One  end  of  each  is  fastened 
under  the  beeswax  that  holds  the  flower.  It  is  supposed  that  the  wind  makes  its 
escape  through  the  holes,  as  otherwise  it  would  interfere  with  the  rains,  prayers 
for  which  are  expressed  in  the  matting  itself,  its  colors,  and  its  attachments. 

5.  The  south  stick  of  Grandmother  Growth  (seliata'na  [south  | Nakawe 
kwalele'),  leaning  against  the  image  on  the  right  side,  is  cut  from  bamboo,  which 
is  the  oldest  plant  on  earth,  having  been  created  by  Grandmother  Growth  herself. 
It  is  made  from  the  lower  part  of  a reed,  the  root  having  been  left  on,  and  is  cut 
off  to  a length  of  about  31  cm.  The  root  forms  a handle,  and  is  carved  into  the 
shape  of  an  animal  head,  three  prongs  being  left  on.  Two  of  the  prongs  repre- 
sent the  ears  (na'ka),  and  the  third  is  purely  ornamental.  The  stick  is  a represen- 
tation of  a snake  called  Aitala'ma.  It  is  of  nearly  the  same  length  as  the  animal 
itself,  and  is  supposed  to  represent  its  coloring.  The  head  and  the  prongs  are 
painted  with  alternate  red  and  blue  stripes,  wdiile  what  is  meant  to  represent  the 
body  has  the  decoration  of  the  foreshaft  of  an  arrow.  The  coloring  is  divided 
into  three  fields,  separated  by  the  natural  nodes  of  the  bamboo.  The  uppermost 
is  the  natural  color  of  the  reed,  with  a few  longitudinal  blue  stripes.  The  next 
one  is  painted  exactly  like  the  ‘winged’  part  of  some  arrow,  in  this  case  red  with 
longitudinal  zigzag  lines  alternating  with  two  parallel  lines.  Similar  zigzags  and 
parallel  lines  are  almost  invariably  seen  on  the  ‘winged’  parts  of  arrows  (p.  83). 
The  lowest  one  is  colored  blue.  All  this  confirms  the  fact  that  the  serpent  is  an 
arrow  of  the  goddess,  symbolic  of  her  strength.  It  is  at  the  same  time  her  baton, 
in  which  her  powers  are  manifest.  In  fact,  her  serpent  baton,  as  will  be  seen  on 
the  next  page,  becomes  symbolic  of  Grandmother  Growth  herself. 

6.  The  north  stick  of  Grandmother  Growth  (ota'ta  | north]  Nakawe'  kwalele'), 
leaning  against  the  left  side  of  the  image,  is  similar  to  the  one  just  described,  the 
main  difference  being  in  the  painting.  The  head  and  neck  are  colored  in  the 
same  way  as  those  on  the  south  stick  ; but  the  decoration  of  the  body,  which  also 
covers  three  fields,  is  different.  The  uppermost  field  is  painted  with  four  color- 
bands,  the  upper  and  lower  being  blue,  and  the  two  middle  ones  red.  On  the 
next  field  below  is  first  a red  band,  then  two  blue  ones,  and  then  a red  and  a blue 
one.  The  lower  field  is  entirely  blue.  This  stick  represents  another,  very  harm- 
less snake  called  Ha'tsi,  and,  like  the  former,  is  supposed  to  be  of  the  same  length 
and  coloring  as  the  animal  itself ; and  it  also  signifies  an  arrow  as  well  as  a 
baton  of  the  goddess.  The  handles  of  the  present  specimen  look  like  serpent 
ears  ; but,  according  to  the  statement  of  the  Indians,  they  have  no  such  signifi- 
cance. The  serpent  Ha'tsi  is  believed  to  have  no  ears,  the  prongs  of  the  stick 
serving  as  handles.  Probably  the  prongs  are  considered  as  plumes,  whether  they 
be  called  ‘ ears  ’ or  not. 


5° 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


7.  The  stick  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  dress  in  front  represents  a large  fresh- 
water serpent  called  Hai'ku.  It  is  29  cm.  long,  is  slightly  bowed,  and  has  been 
smoothed  with  a knife.  Both  ends  are  pointed,  and  somewhat  flat- 
tened on  the  outer  (the  convex)  side.  It  is  painted  blue  with  the 
exception  of  the  ends,  which  are  red.  The  smaller  point  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  head. 

8.  The  stick  stuck  into  the  upper  part  of  the  dress  at  the  back 
(Fig.  31,  also  Fig.  23)  represents  another  serpent,  called  Kopi'rka. 
It  has  been  cut  so  as  to  show  clear  indications  of  a head  that  is 
pointed,  and,  besides,  flattened  on  one  side,  while  the  body  tapers 
from  here  down  to  the  tail.  The  head  is  painted  red,  the  belly  and 
tail  blue,  while  the  back  is  spotted  in  red  and  blue  (cf  pp.  36,  47). 

These  last  two  serpents  are  the  goddess’s  bows  of  the  east  and 
of  the  west  (or  possibly  of  the  region  above)  in  accordance  with 
their  arrangement,  while  her  arrows  and  her  beds  belong  to  the  north 
and  south. 

Sticks  similar  to  the  batons  of  Grandmother  Growth  just  de- 
scribed, only  much  larger,  and  called  by  the  same  name,  Nakawe' 
kwalele'  or  Nakawe'  i'tsu,  are  in  common  use  among  the  Huichols, 
and  symbolize  the  power  and  old  age  of  Grandmother  Growth. 
They  are  deposited  in  the  cave  of  the  goddess  as  prayers  for  health 
and  long  life,  and  generally  a large  pile  of  them  may  be  seen  there. 

The  roots  of  the  bamboo  sticks,  having  frequently  three  prongs, 
assume,  with  very  slight  exercise  of  the  imagination,  the  shape  of 
some  animal  with  snout  and  ears  or  horns  (or  plumes),  the  cane  ac- 
cordingly forming  the  body.  The  prongs  have  natural  transverse  markings  sug- 
gestive of  snake-scales,  and  excrescences  which  might  be  taken  for  eyes  or  teeth  ; 
but  the  suggestive  appearance  of  the  sticks  is,  besides,  often  improved  upon  by 
cutting,  painting,  and  adorning. 

The  sticks,  which  vary  in  length  from  66  cm.  to  102  cm.,  are  cut  off  even  at 
the  ends.  Some  are  deposited  in  the  natural  state,  as  that  seen  in  Fig.  32,  which 
presents  double  ears  or  horns. 

In  Fig.  33,  the  whole  head  and  body  have  been  smoothed  off  with  a knife 
and  painted  red,  with  two  black  bands  on  the  body,  in  imitation  of  a serpent. 

On  the  next  specimen  (Fig.  34),  which  has  been  smoothed  in  the  same  way, 
the  designs  of  a serpent  are  still  more  clearly  indicated  by  blue  daubs  and  stripes 
on  the  body.  On  the  upper  part  of  the  body  are  painted  five  blue  spots  on  each 
side,  separated  at  the  back  by  a longitudinal  blue  stripe,  bordered  at  its  lower  end 
by  a transverse  band  of  blue.  There  are  also  three  longitudinal  blue  stripes 
lower  down  on  the  body,  edged  below  with  a similar  transverse  blue  band.  Eyes 
have  also  been  indicated  by  blue  spots,  to  each  of  which  a red  bead  is  fastened 
with  wax.  Beads  are  always  attached  to  wooden  objects,  either  singly  or  in 
strings,  by  means  of  beeswax. 


Fig-  3i  (ills)- 

Serpent  Stick  of 
Grandmother 
Growth.  (Length, 
about  25  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOl,  INDIANS. 


51 


The  last  specimen  of  this  kind  presented  (Fig.  35)  is  adorned  in  an  extraor- 
dinary way.  It  is  first  smoothed  off  like  the  others,  and  a string  of  black  glass 
beads  is  attached  to  represent  eyes.  The  middle  of  the  ‘snout’  is  wound  with 
strings  of  black  and  bluish  glass  beads  ; and  several  single  beads,  mostly  white, 
are  stuck  to  it.  A hawk-feather  is  tied  to  the  left  ‘ ear  ’ or  ‘ horn’  by  a string  of  ixtle, 


which  is  carried  round  under  the  ‘ throat,’ and  also  tied  to  the  right  ‘ ear’  or  ‘ horn.’ 
About  22  cm.  below  the  ‘head,’  strings  of  glass  beads  are  wound  round  the  cane, 
and  fastened  with  wax.  Above  these  is  tied  a bunch  of  eight  hollow  reeds  of 
different  lengths,  from  about  12  cm.  to  16.5  cm., — in  a general  way,  two  long  and 
six  short  ones.  The  longest  two  are  almost  of  the  same  length,  16.5  cm.;  one  is 
13.8  cm.  long  ; two  are  13.2  cm.,  two  12.5  cm.,  and  one  about  12  cm.  About 


52 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


2 cm.  from  one  end  of  each  reed  are  two  holes  diametrically  opposite  each  other. 
Through  these  holes  the  attaching  cords  pass,  and,  being  of  different  lengths,  cause 
the  reeds  to  hang  at  unequal  distances.  With  the  exception  of  one,  the  upper 
ends  of  all  the  reeds  are  closed,  the  node  of  the  cane  having  been  left  intact. 
The  lower  ends  of  five  have  been  filled  for  a short  distance  up  with  clay  (in  two 
cases  colored  with  ferruginous  clay).  The  whole  attachment,  which  when  moved 
makes  a sound  of  different  tones,  is  the  necklace  of  Grandmother  Growth.  The 
reeds,  which  look  something  like  flutes,  signify  sounds  of  the  wind. 

Small  bamboo  sticks  of  the  same  kind  and  the  same  name  are  left  in  behalf 
of  children  as  prayers  to  another  Mother  whose  cave  is  near  Santa  Catarina. 
Her  name  is  Tate'  Tuliriki'ta.  Tu'li  means  ‘small,’  and  iki'ta,  ‘house.’  Thus 
her  name  means  ‘ mother  of  the  house  of  the  little  ones.’  She  is  the  goddess  of 
conception  and  birth.  A woman  desirous  of  having  children  deposits  in  this 
cave  a doll  made  of  cotton-cloth,  representing  the  baby  wanted.  After  a while 
she  goes  back  to  the  cave,  puts  the  doll  under  her  girdle,  and  shortly  after- 
wards is  supposed  to  be  pregnant.  While  the  baby  is  still  very  young,  she 
deposits  small  bamboo  sticks  (Tate'  Tuliriki'ta  kwalele')  in  the  same  cave,  in 
order  that  the  child  may  begin  to  walk  early,  and  that  it  may  ‘ walk  ’ a long  life. 
The  sticks  also  protect  the  child  from  the  itch  and  from  pimples.  It  should  be 
added,  that  the  health  of  children  is  also  implored  by  placing  such  small  sticks  in 
the  god-house  of  Ka'tsi,  an  impersonation  of  the  god  of  fire,  at  Teaka'ta. 

I found  a very  different-looking  image  of  Grandmother  Growth  (Fig.  36)  in 

the  little  temple  of  Grandfather  Fire  at  Teaka'ta, 
where  it  had  been  placed  in  a sitting  position  on 
the  ground,  behind  the  image  of  that  god.  It  is 
of  burnt  clay,  painted  with  black  and  some  fer- 
ruginous clay.  The  face  has  three  parallel  longi- 
tudinal stripes  on  each  side,  signifying  rain.  There 
is  a covering  of  beeswax  on  the  head  and  neck, 
showing  that  hair  had  been  attached  to  it,  which 
must  have  been  either  of  the  same  material  as  that 
on  the  preceding  idol  or  else  of  ixtle  fibre.  The 
greater  part  of  the  legs  and  arms  had  been  broken 
off,  and  taken  away  as  amulets.  This  figure  was 
made,  according  to  the  Indians,  about  thirteen  or 
fourteen  years  ago,  during  a long  drought.  Oxen 
were  killed  at  the  feast,  and  the  image  of  the  god- 
dess, smeared  with  blood,  was  afterward  placed  in 
GrandmotherGrowth-  (He:ght’  the  god-house  of  her  son,  to  bring  rain. 

The  Corn  Mother  and  her  Disk.  — One  of  the  impersonations  in  which 
Grandmother  Growth  is  represented  is  seen  in  Figs.  37  and  38.  Here  is  shown  an 
image  of  the  Corn  Mother,  Tate'  Otegana'ka,  or,  more  completely,  Tate'  Iku' 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICITOL  INDIANS. 


53 


[corn]  Otegana'ka  [na'ka,  ‘to  grow’].  It  is  made  of  solidified  volcanic  ash,  and 
the  Mother  is  presented  in  a petticoat,  the  feet  being  visible  below.  The  upper 
part  of  the  body,  which  is  not  covered,  shows  well-cut  breasts.  There  are  indica- 
tions of  arms,  and  the  nose,  mouth,  eyes,  and  ears  are  very  distinct,  and  tolerably 
well  executed.  Two  transverse  lines  carved  round  the  skirt  divide  it  into  three 
almost  equal  parts,  and  longitudinal  lines  cross  these  at  short  intervals  all  round 
the  body. 


Figs.  37,  38  (s62o).  The  Corn  Mother,  Front  and  Back  Views.  (Height,  about  30  cm.) 

The  hair  on  the  head  is  represented  by  black  paint,  and  the  feet  are  also 
colored  black  ; ears,  mouth,  eyes,  and  eyebrows  are  painted  with  black  and  red, 
as  are  all  the  rest  of  the  designs.  On  each  cheek  is  a starlike  ornament 
(neali'ka),  representing  no  doubt  a section  of  an  ear  of  corn  (cf.  p.  30).  Fingers 
as  well  as  nipples  on  the  breast,  are  represented  ; and  there  is  a line  on  the  outside 
of  each  arm,  from  the  fingers  to  the  shoulder.  Round  the  waist  is  another  line, 
from  which  short,  tongue-like  figures  depend  ; this  represents  her  girdle.  Across 
the  petticoat  in  front  (Fig.  37)  is  the  figure  of  a cow  with  horns  ( a ),  indicating 
that  cattle  are  under  her  protection.  The  border  of  the  skirt  is  painted  with  short 
longitudinal  stripes  ( b ),  symbolizing  ears  of  corn.  On  each  shoulder  is  a painting 
of  a serpent  (r).  On  each  side  of  the  breasts  is  a sign  of  a plume  (z/)  of  the  red- 
tailed hawk, which  belongs  to  her  and  to  other  gods.  The  three  round  spots  on  it 
are,  as  usual,  a part  of  the  plume,  and  represent  its  markings.  On  the  upper  part 
of  the  chest  is  the  figure  of  a kind  of  butterfly  (<?)  called  Auwa'lika.  Over  the  lower 


54 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


part  of  the  chest  and  over  the  stomach  is  the  figure  of  a small  animal  {/)  called 
Wato'ra,  probably  a grasshopper.  Both  animals  belong  to  the  summer,  the 
season  when  the  corn-plant  and  vegetation  in  general  are  most  luxuriant.  In  her 
hand  she  holds  a baton  (g)  orkwalele',  and  a similar  one  is  seen  across  the  upper 
part  of  her  back.  The  two  are  the  same  symbol,  namely,  that  of  the  power  of 
Grandmother  Growth.  In  the  Deluge  legend  (Chap.  VIII)  Grandmother  Growth, 
coming  up  from  the  earth  as  an  old  woman,  causes  the  trees  that  the  Huichol  cuts 
down  in  preparation  of  his  corn-fields,  to  grow  up  again  by  means  of  her  baton, 
thus  frustrating  his  work.  Her  baton,  which  is  a serpent  and  a symbol  of  herself, 
possesses  the  power  of  making  corn,  and  therefore  it  has  been  painted  on  the  Corn 
Mother,  one  of  her  impersonations.  Her  skirt  is  the  fields  or  gardens  of  the 
world,  and  the  three  dots  seen  on  it  are  symbolic  of  the  corn  planted  in  them. 

A most  remarkable  symbol  is  found  on  her  back  (Fig.  38).  It  is  a coiled 
serpent  with  wings,  or  a plumed  serpent.  What  might  at  first  glance  be  taken  for 
two  legs  are  not  legs,  for  the  serpent  of  the  Corn  Mother  has  only  wings,  and 
1 flies  in  rain.’  As  we  have  seen  before,  the  rain  that  comes  from  the  different 
‘corners’  of  the  world  belongs  to  as  many  different  serpents  or  Mothers  that  fly. 
The  one  in  question  is  the  serpent  of  the  Corn  Mother,  or  the  Corn  Mother  her- 
self, the  rain  from  the  east.  The  Corn  Mother  and  Grandmother  Growth  are 
the  same  kind  of  rain  or  flying  serpents  (cf  p.  47).  This  is  one  of  the  most 
primitive  designs  of  the  plumed  serpent. 


The  disk  on  which  the  Corn 
Mother  stands  is  outlined  in  Figs. 
39  and  40.  The  designs  on  the 
upper  surface  (Fig.  39)  are:  — 
(a)  Two  swastika-like  yellow  fig- 
ures, each  representing  an  ‘eye’ 
of  the  Mother.  ( b ) A dark  field 
of  green,  on  which  have  been 
painted  snakes  in  black  and  red, 
the  whole  representing  an  ap- 
proaching storm,  with  its  dark 
rain-laden  clouds,  and  appearing 
to  the  Indian  like  serpents.  Such 
rain  serpents  have  a special  col- 
lective name,  Nuna'lita  or  Witu- 
li'r.  The  picture  thus  conveys 
simply  the  idea,  ‘It  is  raining.’ 
(c)  A star-like  figure  in  the  cen- 
tre, painted  red,  expressive  of 
a spring  or  pool.  ( d ) Small 
figures  resembling  arrow-heads  that  have  been  placed  round  in  a circle,  painted 
black,  intended  to  represent  serpents  that  are  starting  out  to  fall  down  as  rain. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


55 


When  the  rain  is  over,  the  clouds  (that  is,  the  serpents)  come  back  again  to 
the  spring.  In  the  section  surrounding  c are  (e)  a number  of  serpents  still  in  their 
water-pools,  where  some  remain  whenever  it  rains.  Some  are  painted  yellow,  and 
others  blue.  (/)  A large  serpent  called  Hakwi'aka,  represented  by  a long 
zigzag  line  in  dark  blue,  which  follows  the  circumference  of  the  central  section 
just  described.  Within  the  inner  bends  of  the  serpent  are  (g ) tongue-shaped 
figures  in  red,  representing  lightning.  The  lines  protruding  from  the  outer  bends 
of  the  serpent  are  (/z)  small  serpents  called  Hai'ku  No'itsi.  Between  the  coils  of 
the  serpent  are  (z)  altars  (niwa'tali)  in  yellow.  Niwa'tali  is  the  altar  of  the  god- 
house,  but  the  mountains  and  hills  are  also  considered  as  altars  on  which  the 
clouds  or  Mothers  rest,  which  latter  is  the  meaning  here  intended.  Above  and 
encircling  most  of  the  pictures  described  is  (j)  a black  serpent,  which  is  the 
Mother  herself  resting  on  top  of  the  altars,  (k)  Votive  bowls  running  along  the 
outer  edge  of  the  disk.  The  cross  painted  on  most  of  them  signifies  the  four 
cardinal  points. 

On  the  reverse  side  (Fig.  40)  are  the  following  figures: — (a)  A fish 
(mu'ri),  painted  in  black,  with  white  stripes  and  spots.  It  is  an  expression  for 
green  corn,  because  to  the  Indian  green  corn  (lku'ri)  is  fish  (mu'ri  iku'ri). 
Although  on  the  drawing  the  fish  is  represented  with  white  spots,  the  green  corn 
is  called  ‘black  fish’  (mu'ri  yii'wi).  (d)  A scorpion.  I cannot  give  a definite 
explanation  of  it,  but  it  may  be  the  arrow  of  the  goddess.  The  shaman  is  in  the 
habit  of  offering  cormneal  to 
scorpions  to  appease  their  wrath, 
and  this  custom  may  have  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  appearance 
of  this  animal  on  the  disk  of  the 
Corn  Mother,  (r)  A large  black 
water-serpent  called  Hakwi'aka 
yu'wime  (‘black’),  which  lives  in 
a water-hole  in  the  country  of 
the  hi'kuli.  This  serpent  sym- 
bolizes full-grown  corn,  or,  to 
speak  with  the  Indian,  it  is  corn. 

On  its  back,  however,  is  seen  a 
lot  of  green  corn,  expressed  by 
black  and  white  lines  emanatine 
from  it.  These  lines  represent 
also  scales,  and  are  called  kupai'- 
ra.  They  belong  to  Tate'  Ku- 
pu'ri,  their  complete  name  being 
iku'li  | green  corn  | kupairara'. 

(d)  The  wing-like  figures  were  explained  by  my  informant  as  six  corn-stalks  with 
ears  of  corn.  They  are  called  Sauli'rika  Wee'me  (Sp.  mayor , ‘old,’  or  ‘princi- 


56 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


pal  ’),  literally  ‘ the  principal  curing  shaman.’  The  leaves  of  the  plants  are 
called  ‘ the  curing-shaman  leaves  ’ (sauli'rika  ramoya'li).  The  design  resembles 
the  corn-fields  in  the  facial  painting,  Fig.  276,  e. 

One  side  of  this  disk,  as  I have  shown,  is  taken  up  entirely  with  symbols  of 
rain.  The  rain-serpents  start  from  the  holy  springs,  bringing  rain  to  the  Huichols  ; 
and  on  the  mountains  rests  fog,  the  home  of  other  water-serpents.  The  designs 
thus  express  a prayer  for  rain  ; and  the  result  is  seen  on  the  other  side  of  the 
disk,  in  the  shape  of  corn,  expressed  in  the  silent  language  of  primitive  symbolism. 
The  Corn  Mother  herself  is  here  pictured  as  a large  serpent  whose  scales  are 
green  corn,  and  the  green  corn  is  further  expressed  by  the  picture  of  the  fish  ; 
putting  it  more  precisely,  the  serpent  is  full-grown  corn,  and  the  fish  green  corn, 
but  both  are  manifestations  of  the  one  Mother,  as  is  also  the  corn-plant  itself, 
which  should  be  viewed  as  a serpent. 


Fig.  41  (i87u).  Disk  of  Young  Mother  Eagle,  Upper  Side.  (Diameter,  30  cm.  ; thickness,  7 cm.) 


Disk  of  Young  Mother  Eagle,  and  its  Bearing  on  Huichol  Astronomy. 
— The  next  disk  to  be  described  (Figs.  41,  42)  is  one  dedicated  to  Young 
Mother  Eagle  (Tate'  Ve'lika  Uima'li  te'pali).  On  the  upper  surface  (Fig.  41) 
are  the  following  designs  : — (a)  Front  view  of  the  eagle  herself.  The  irregular 
oblong  figure  in  the  middle  is  her  heart ; but  all  the  dots  represent,  as  usual, 
markings  on  the  plumage.  ( b ) Grains  of  corn,  painted  green.  ( c ) A water- 
serpent  called  Hai  ku  taru'ye,  painted  in  yellow  and  red.  The  short  parallel 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


57 


lines  in  yellow  and  dark  red  attached  to  the  back  are  plumes,  and  the  whole  ser- 
pent is  symbolic  of  rain,  (d)  Mountains,  represented  by  the  zigzag  line  in  red, 
which  runs  all  round  the  edge,  (e)  Corn-fields  on  the  sides  of  the  mountains, 
painted  yellow,  dark  red,  and  green.  The  green  dots  inside  of  the  design  repre- 
sent weeds  in  the  corn-fields,  (/)  Corn-fields  (eleven),  all  painted  green,  found 
in  the  deep  canons. 

The  under  surface  of  the  disk  (Fig.  42)  is  interesting,  as  it  represents  in  a 
general  way  the  astronomical  knowledge  of  the  tribe.  Here  are  seen  the  constel- 
lations and  single  stars  (painted  in  dark  red),  as  well  as  a number  of  stars  (repre- 
sented by  small  green  and  red  dots)  not  known  by  any  special  name  to  the 
Huichols.  These,  as  well  as  all  visible  stars,  are  called  rula've.  All  stars  are  con- 
sidered as  the  dress  of  Young  Mother  Eagle,  and,  according  to  another  belief,  they 


//' 


£ 


Fig.  42  (tPs).  Disk  of  Young  Mother  Eagle,  Lower  Side.  The  dotted  lines  do  not  belong  to  the 
original,  but  have  been  added  for  the  sake  of  clearness. 


Fig.  43.  Star-Chart, 
drawn  by  an  Indian. 


once  lived  on  the  earth.  The  following  are  here  represented  : — (a),  the  Scorpion 
(Sp.  Alacraii),  called  in  Huichol  Tama'ts  Tealu'ka  (‘Elder  Brother  Scorpion’). 
I he  scorpion  is  the  arrow  of  the  Mother,  (y)  The  heart  (iya'li)  of  the  Scorpion, 
represented  by  a large  red  dot.  (b)  The  Pleiades  (Mex.  Sp.  Cavrellos),  called  in 
Huichol  Semani'r.  (, c ) A constellation  called  Nl'veli  U'rte,  representing  a woman 
bearing  a child,  and  the  people  gathered  together  to  see.  There  is  a larger  dot 
(•y)  in  the  midst  of  the  group,  representing  the  morning  star,  Elder  Brother 


58 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Tonoa'mi,  who,  according  to  the  myth,  is  watching  the  woman  ; and  all  the  rest  of 
the  stars  round  them  are  women  spectators.  As  soon  as  the  woman  had  given 
birth  to  her  child,  the  cock  ( e ),  that  was  standing  close  by,  began  to  crow. 
1 he  constellation  called  the  ‘Cock’  (Wa'kana)  is  the  one  called  in  Mexican 
Spanish  Caro,  (d)  A constellation  called  Irurui'ste  (Sp.  Arado).  Irui  signifies 
‘ a brush  broom,’  thus  the  name  means  ‘ a place  where  there  are  brush  brooms.’ 
There  are  five  of  these.  These  stars  are  people,  both  men  and  women,  who 
started  to  go  to  see  the  woman  who  was  about  to  have  a child,  but  did  not  arrive 
in  time,  (f)  The  Deer.  (g)  The  Dog  ((iu/e)  which  is  running  the  deer,  (/z) 
The  Beehive  (Sp.  Colmena),  of  the  kind  that  hangs  on  the  rocks,  called  Siete'ri,  a 
single  star.  (/)  The  Humming-bird,  Elder  Brother  |Tama'ts]  Tupi'na,  which  is 
gathering  sweets  from  the  beehive.  It  rises  in  the  east  to  eat  from  it.  (m)  The 
fresh-water  crab,  Ai'na,  pursued  by  an  animal  ( n ) called  Mea'ta  (Mex.  Sp. 
Mcpach ).  (o)  The  morning  star,  Elder  Brother  Tonoa'mi,  represented  by  a 

large  red  dot.  It  is  a man  who  rises  in  the  east,  beginning  his  course  in  October. 
It  travels  to  a place  where  Young  Mother  Eagle  is,  viz.,  the  zenith,  and  disappears 
with  the  daylight,  (p)  A large  star  in  the  east  called  Rawa'  or  Rawa'mi,  repre- 
sented also  as  a red  dot.  It  is  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  and  is  as  large  a 
star  as  the  morning  star.  The  two  are  apart,  but  Rawa'  travels  all  the  time,  and 
at  last,  in  October,  joins  Elder  Brother  Tonoa'mi.  From  then  on,  they  rise 
together. 

There  are  two  other  large  stars  seen  on  the  disk  in  what  would  be  the  south 
and  north.  These  are  simply  called  rula've,  and  are  stars  that  “ sometimes  fall 
down  and  get  broken  against  the  rocks  when  trying  to  kill  a serpent  (Sp.  culebra ) ; ” 
in  other  words,  meteors.  According  to  another  informant,  these  two  stand  im- 
movable, guarding  the  world.  The  one  in  the  south  is  called  Te'vali  [Grand- 
father] Selia'kami,  and  the  one  in  the  north  Grandfather  Yoa'wi  [blue].  These 
two  stars  receive  further  assistance  in  their  office  as  guardians  from  Elder  Brother 
Rurui'  (Sp.  Grillo),  a cricket  which  chirps  in  the  ground. 

At  my  request,  this  informant  drew  a picture  of  the  three  constellations  b,  c? 
and  d,  which  I append  for  the  sake  of  comparison  (Fig.  43).  The  same  man 
also  told  me  of  two  more  constellations  and  one  more  single  star  not  represented 
on  the  disk.  “There  is  one  constellation,”  he  said,  “called  ‘Shrimp’  (Sp. 
Caviar  on , Huichol  Ha'ku).  It  is  large,  and  has  three  stars  on  each  side, 
rising  after  sunset  in  the  east,  and  travelling  towards  the  west.”  ‘ The  Big 
Lizard  ’ (Sp.  Iguana,  Huichol  Ketse')  is  the  name  of  another  constellation, 
which  rises,  according  to  my  informant,  in  the  northeast,  and  travels  southward. 
A large  constellation  called  ‘ Helgramite’  (Ta'toy)  rises  “in  the  southeast,  and 
travels  towards  the  north.” 

This  comprises,  so  far  as  I am  aware,  the  astronomical  knowledge  of  the 
Huichol.  The  reader  may  infer  Moorish  or  Spanish  influence  in  some  of  the 
groups.  The  star  Antares  is  thus  called  ‘ the  Scorpion’s  heart,’  which  is  the  gen- 
erally accepted  Arabic  meaning  of  Antares  ; but  the  animal  plays  too  impor- 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


59 


tant  a part  in  the  religion  of  the  Huichols  to  be  lightly  passed  over,  it  being 
considered  an  ‘elder  brother’  whose  wrath  is  appeased.  Besides,  the  unique 
figure  of  the  Scorpion  is  so  conspicuously  marked  by  the  stars,  that  it  seems  quite 
likely  that  the  group  is  of  native  origin.  A large  star  in  the  middle  of  the  con- 
stellation would  be  expected  to  be  the  heart  of  the  animal,  judging  from  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  symbolism  in  the  ceremonial  objects  of  the  Huichols.  Thus  the 
diamond-shaped,  round,  or  square  marking  on  the  middle  of  a human  figure,  or  on 
a bird  or  some  animal,  is  constantly  called  by  the  Huichols  ‘the  heart.’  The 
Scorpion  is  an  important  deity,  whether  he  be  on  the  earth  or  on  the  sky.  It 
should  also  be  noted  that  this  constellation,  while  known  to  the  ancient  Egyptians 
and  Assyrians,  as  well  as  to  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans,  was  associated,  according 
to  Mr.  Stansbury  Hagar,  with  the  same  animal  by  the  ancient  Peruvians,  and 
probably  by  their  more  northern  relatives  the  Chibchas. 

There  are  other  groups  as  to  the  originality  of  which  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
At  any  rate,  in  judging  of  this  “ star  map  ” of  the  Huichols,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  while  both  my  informants  spoke  Spanish,  they  were  consulted  at 
different  times,  independently  of  each  other.  One  of  them,  who  pointed  out  to 
me  the  constellations  on  the  heavens,  grew  quite  enthusiastic  about  his  knowledge 
and  that  of  the  Huichols,  compared  with  that  of  the  ‘neighbors,’  the  Mexicans. 
“ People  think  that  we  Indians  don’t  know  anything,  but  we  know  far  more 
than  the  whites,”  he  said. 

Mr.  Stansbury  Hagar,  who  has  devoted  much  time  to  the  subject  of  native 
American  astronomy,  tells  me  that,  in  his  studies  among  our  Eastern  Indians,  he 
has  never  met  with  an  instance  where  the  Indians  failed  to  distinguish  correctly 
between  their  native  constellations  and  the  very  few  which  they  have  learned  from 
the  English  and  French. 

A disk  like  the  one  described  above  is  made  for  the  feast  of  green  squashes 
and  green  corn,  and  is  afterwards  placed  in  the  god-house  of  the  Mother. 
Here  again  we  see  (on  the  upper  surface) 
that  a Mother — ‘ the  Mother  above  ’ — is  con- 
nected with  the  rain-serpents,  in  fact  is  one 
herself.  The  result  of  the  rain  for  which  she 
is  asked  is  shown  in  the  corn-fields  of  the 
mountains  and  deep  valleys  in  midsummer, 
ready  to  be  cleared  of  the  numerous  weeds 
that  spring  up  on  account  of  the  rain  and  the 
heat.  On  the  reverse  side  we  are  shown  the 
stars  of  the  sky. 


Disks  found  on  Top  of  Temples.  - 
Lastly  we  shall  mention  a kind  of  disk 
found  on  the  top  of  every  temple.  I met 
with  one  in  a god-house  of  the  temple  of 


Fig.  44  (/ire).  Disk  found  on  Top  of  a Temple,  Upper 
Side.  (Diameter,  24  cm.  ; greatest  thickness,  5 cm.) 


6o 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


San  Jose,  in  the  neighborhood  of  San  Andres,  and  easily  succeeded  in  buying  it, 
as  it  had  been  discarded  from  actual  use.  The  upper  surface  (Fig.  44)  is  carved 
with  a circle  running  at  an  average  of  from  one  to  two  centimetres  from  the  edge. 
The  extremities  of  its  two  carved  diameters,  which  bisect  each  other  at  right 
angles,  symbolize  the  four  corners  of  the  earth.  Within  the  circle  is  an  inscribed 
square,  carved  rather  irregularly.  The  disk  is  supposed  to  protect  the  temple 
against  lightning  ; and,  from  the  meaning  of  disks  in  general,  we  may  infer  that 
this  one  on  top  of  the  temple  symbolizes  the  presence  of  the  gods.  It  is  renewed 
every  five  years,  together  with  that  part  of  the  temple  which  is  subject  to 
renovation. 

The  Moon.  — Figs.  45  and  46  are  representations  of  the  moon.  In  former 
days,  according  to  tradition,  the  moon  was  under  water,  and  was  called  Ha 
Liana'ka  ; but  it  started  out  of  the  water,  and  placed  itself  where  we  see  it  to-day, 
when  it  is  called  Me'tsa  or  Metsa'ka.  The  moon  in  these  two  stages  is  shown  in 


Fig.  45  (T|gg).  The  Moon 
under  Water.  (Height, 
17  cm.) 


the  figures,  which  represent  two  wooden  images  respectively  17  cm.  and  12.5  cm. 
high,  taken  from  the  temple  of  Ocota.  The  larger  one,  which  represents  Ha 
Liana'ka,  has  the  arms  outstretched.  The  other,  which  represents  Metsa'ka,  is 
very  similar,  only  the  arms  are  carved  close  to  the  body,  probably  unintentionally. 

The  God  of  Death.  — The  god  of  death  of  the  Huichols  is  called  Toka'kami. 
He  walks  about  everywhere  in  the  night,  on  the  lookout  for  some  Huichol  to  eat. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


61 


Fig  48.  Head  of  God  of 
Death  (Fig.  47),  Side  View. 


Man  is  his  only  food,  and  he  never  drinks  water.  In  size,  he  is  as  large  as  a 
Huichol,  but  he  is  very  black  and  dirty  because  he  never  bathes.  He  starts  on 
his  rounds  just  after  sunset,  smeared  all  over  with  blood,  and  he  has  nothing  for 
dress  but  the  bones  of  his  victims.  The  large  arm  and  leg  bones  hang  all  round 
him,  making  a noise,  when  he  walks,  like  that  of  rattles.  Grandfather  Selia'kami 
and  Grandfather  Yoa'wi  try  to  prevent  him  from  coming  out  of  the  earth  to  eat 
people. 

In  order  to  get,  if  possible,  the  Huichol  idea  of  the  god  of  death,  I persuaded 
one  of  my  shaman  friends  in  Santa  Catarina  to  make  a wooden  figure  of  the  god, 

which  is  here  reproduced  in  Figs. 

47  and  48.  The  hands  are  provided 
with  roughly  carved  fingers,  and  the 
legs  are  apart.  The  figure,  and 
the  disk  on  which  it  stands,  are 
carved  out  of  the  same  block  of 
wood.  The  figure  has  long  erect 
ears,  which  were  made  separately, 
and  very  solidly  glued  into  a hole 
made  for  the  purpose  on  each  side 
of  the  head.  They  have  serrated 
edges,  and  each  ear  represents  the 
notched  bone  on  which  the  shaman  rubs  an  accompani- 
ment to  his  song  for  the  deerduint  (Figs.  108,  286,  287). 
Thus  oneof  his  attributes  is  the  mystic  power  of  incanta- 
tion, so  effective  with  a good  shaman,  so  dreadful  in  the 
hands  of  sorcerers  and  of  the  god  of  death.  The  nose 
is  long  and  prominent,  and  nostrils  are  carved  in  the 
upper  part  of  the  end,  as  in  some  animal.  A tongue 
cut  from  two  pieces  of  palm-leaf,  laid  one  over  the 
other,  is  glued  into  the  mouth,  from  which  it  protrudes. 
The  occiput  is  fiat,  slants  downward,  and  has  on  each 
side  two  horizontal  incisions,  forming  terrace-like 
shelves  (Fig.  48).  On  these  shelves  the  god  is  sup- 
posed to  carry  the  dead.  The  figure  is  painted  black, 
but  is  covered  all  over  with  stripes  and  dots  of  fer- 
ruginous clay,  indicative  of  the  blood  with  which  he  is  smutched.  Round  the 
waist  and  over  the  back,  shoulders,  and  chest,  are  white  lines  representing  human 
bones  attached  to  strings  ; other  white  stripes,  lines,  and  dots  on  the  face  and  ears 
are  meant  to  show  his  uncouth  appearance. 

The  Huichols  are  very  much  afraid  of  the  god  of  death.  Even  the  most 
powerful  shamans  fear  him.  As  long  as  the  Indians  are  in  good  health,  how- 
ever, they  never  see  him  ; but  he  appears  to  those  who  are  dangerously  sick,  and 
the  sight  of  him  forebodes  an  early  death. 


Fig.  47  (1737).  The  God  of  Death. 
(Height,  44.5  cm.) 


62 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Staircase  of  the  Gods.  — An  ancient  object  connected  with  the  gods 
should  here  be  mentioned.  It  is  a diminutive  stone  staircase  now  and  then  found 
in  the  country  of  the  Huichols,  and  called  imu'mai.  One  of  the  steps  is  called 

imu'.  The  specimen  here  figured 
(Fig.  49)  was  found  on  the  ground 
in  the  deep  valley  that  separates 
San  Sebastian  from  Santa  Catarina. 
It  is  a small  block  of  sandstone  34.5 
cm.  long  by  15  cm.  at  the  broadest 
part,  and  6 cm.  thick  at  the  thickest 
part,  into  one  surface  of  which  six 
steps  have  been  carved.  According 
to  the  Indians,  there  is  a pile  of 
these  objects  below  Acaponeta,  — 
one  for  each  god.  The  staircase 
signifies  travel, — each  step  (imu') 
one  stage  of  the  journey.  It  signi- 
fies especially  the  travels  of  Grand- 
father Fire  and  Great-grandfather 
Deer-Tail  from  the  coast  to  the 

Fig- 49  (illi)-  Staircase  of  the  Gods.  (Length,  34.5  cm.;  greatest  mnntrV  nf  thp  hi'kllli  When  mirh 

breadth,  15  cm.  ; thickness,  6 cm.)  LUUIlliy  U1  LllC  U1  K.U11.  VV  J1C11  SUL11 

a staircase  is  found,  it  is  kept  as  a 
remembrance  of  that  journey,  and  helps  to  produce  rain. 


Gods  in  the  Form  of  Small  Stones.  — Frequently  gods  are  represented 
by  small  pebbles  of  some  curious  shape  or  color,  which  are  kept  in  the  god- 
houses  carefully  wrapped  up  in  rags.  Thus,  at  Teaka'ta 
the  Sun  may  be  seen  in  his  god-house  as  a round  red 
stone,  once  produced  by  the  magic  of  the  shaman’s 
plumes.  At  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother,  near 
Guayavas,  the  god  himself  is  a small  green  stone  hidden 
in  some  rags  ; which  stone,  the  Indians  say,  belongs  to 
the  sea,  its  color  being,  in  their  concep- 
tion, the  same  as  that  of  the  sea.  In 
one  of  the  god-houses  round  the  temple 
of  Ratontita,  I secured  one  of  these  gods, 
which  is  here  reproduced  (Fig.  50).  It 
is  a small  quartz  pebble  with  dendritic 
markings,  about  1.5  cm.  long  and  1.1  cm. 
broad,  which  represents  a water  Mother 
(tate')  called  Kakauya'li,  who  is  the  mother  of  Mother  West-Water.  It  was, 
as  usual,  carefully  wrapped  up  in  rags ; and  in  the  same  bundle  were  found 
three  more  objects,  — two  very  small  quartz  pebbles  which  are  her  arrows,  and  a 


Fig.  50  (,f8). 

Quartz  Pebble,  Sym- 
bol of  Mother  Ka- 
kauya'li. (Length, 
1.5  cm. ; breadth,  1.1 
cm.) 


Fig.  51  GVs)*  4 Winged  ’ Part  of 
an  Arrow.  (Length,  8.2  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


63 


piece  of  reed  representing  the  ‘winged’  part  of  an  arrow  (Fig.  51).  This  last  is 
8.2  cm.  long,  and  nocked  at  both  ends,  but  not  plugged.  The  nocks  are  painted 
blue,  and  so  is  the  broad  band  round  the  middle  of  the  reed,  while  the  rest  is 
painted  light  brown.  Longitudinal  zigzag  markings  are  seen  along  the  whole 
extent  of  the  reed,  and  round  the  blue  band  a short  twine  of  yellow  and  red 
crewel  is  tied.  The  ‘ winged  ’ part,  as  is  at  once  evident,  has  reference  to  the 
two  ‘ arrows,’  and,  as  being  the  vital  part  or  heart  of  an  arrow,  gives  potentiality 
to  both.  The  colors  of  the  twine  signify  health  and  strength  (yellow,  the  color 
of  fire),  and  life  (red),  thus  emphasizing  the  vital  strength  of  the  arrows. 


Fig.  52.  Fig.  53. 

Figs.  52  (7\%),  53  (7«\). 
Rock  Crystals  representing, 
respectively  a Male  and  a 
Female  Te'vali. 


Tevali'r.  — Rock  crystals  are  objects  about  which  the  Indians  have  singular 
beliefs.  Two  large  specimens,  secured  in  Santa  Catarina,  each  about  two  centi- 
metres long,  are  supposed  to  be  hailstones  belonging  to  the  Corn  Mother,  the 
clouds  of  this  deity  having  been  changed  into  this  form.  ‘ They  are,’  to  speak 
with  the  Indian,  ‘the  Corn  Mother,’  and  there  are  other  rock  crystals  which  in 
the  same  way  are  Mother  East- Water. 

Small  rock  crystals,  supposed  to  be  produced  by  the  shamans,  are  thought  to 
be  dead  or  even  living  people,  — a kind  of  astral  bodies  of  the  Theosophists. 
Such  a rock  crystal  is  called  te'vali  (plural,  tevali'r),  or  ‘grand- 
father,’— the  same  name  as  is  given  to  the  majority  of  the  gods. 

But  it  may,  however,  represent  any  person  or  relative,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  directions  of  the  shaman.  In  the  collection 
I have  a father  and  a mother,  a grandfather  and  a grandmother, 
of  the  Indian  who  sold  them  to  me.  The  distinction  between 
the  sexes  seems  to  depend  upon  the  size  of  the  crystals,  the 
smaller  ones  being  females.  Figs.  52  and  53  show  a male  and 
a female  respectively.  In  the  collection  is  a crystal  which  represents  the  uncle  of 
an  Indian  who  is  still  alive. 

The  crystal,  te'vali,  like  the  small  stones  which  represent  gods,  is  kept 
carefully  wrapped  in  rags,  and  is  put  away  in  a secluded  part  of  the  house,  often 
inside  of  a basket.  A stranger  would  not  be  likely  to  discover  one  except  by 
accident.  Sometimes  it  is  tied  in  its  wrapping  to  the  ‘ winged  ’ part  of  an  arrow, 
which  may  be  stuck  into  the  roof  of  the  house  or  that  of  the  god-house  or  temple 
(Fig-  54)- 

Such  rock  crystals  are  thought  to  bring  special  luck  in  hunting  deer,  and 
therefore  a Huichol’s  ambition  is  to  have  many  of  them.  He  generally  keeps 
from  five  to  six,  but  some  have  even  as  many  as  ten.  They  also  insure  the 
hunter  against  stumbling  or  any  other  accident  while  on  the  run.  It  is,  how- 
ever, a duty  incumbent  on  the  owner  to  make  ceremonial  arrows  for  his  te'vali, 
hence  the  latter  is  also  called  by  the  name  ulu'-uka'mi,  meaning  ‘one  for  whom  it 
is  necessary  to  make  arrow’  (ulu').  Every  time,  therefore,  when  he  starts  out  to 
run  deer,  he  makes  arrows  for  each  one  of  his  fetishes  in  order  to  further  insure 
his  luck,  and  he  wraps  the  te'vali  in  a piece  of  loose  textile  of  ixtle,  thus  putting 


64 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


him  on  the  ancient  matting  or  4 bed  ’ (ita'li),  which  symbolizes  his  presence  or 
powers  in  helping  to  kill  deer. 

Sometimes,  when  a man  is  sick,  the  shaman  will  say  to  him,  44  Your  father 
| he  may  have  died  a year  previous]  wants  to  come  back,  therefore  you  are  sick. 
You  will  have  to  hunt  deer.  Make  your  arrows  for  the  different  gods.”  If  the 
sick  man  be  unable  to  rise  and  take  part  in  the  hunt,  others  can  run  in  his 
behalf  ; for  instance,  his  brother.  Arrows  are  then  made,  and  Grandfather  Fire 
is  asked  for  good  luck.  The  shaman  next  produces  at  night,  by  means  of  his 
plumes  and  much  ceremony,  a 44  small  white  stone,  like  rock  crystal,  which  comes 
flying  through  the  air,  and  at  first  seems  soft  to  the  touch,  but  soon  becomes  har- 
dened.” This  is  the  te'vali  which  was  expected.  Often  the  te'vali  is  produced  at 
the  hi'kuli  feast,  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  after  the  dance  of  the  first  night.  As 
soon  as  the  deer  is  killed,  the  sick  man  recovers  ; and  the  te'vali,  and  the  arrow 
made  for  it,  as  well  as  all  the  other  arrows  of  the  man,  are  bathed  with  its  blood. 
Thereafter,  every  time  this  Indian  goes  to  hunt  deer,  he  makes  an  arrow  for  his 
te'vali  and  asks  it  for  luck,  and  afterwards  the  te'vali  and  the  arrows  are  smeared 
with  blood.  It  remains  in  his  possession  as  long  as  he  lives,  and  is  then  inherited 
by  his  sons. 

Both  men  and  women  may  become  tevali'r  while  still  alive,  the  condition 
being  that  they  have  been  true  husbands  and  wives.  Besides,  a man  must  not  eat 
meat  from  the  first  five  deer  which  have  been  killed  after  he  has  become  te'vali. 

A dead  man  may  return  to  this  world  as  a te'vali  more  than  once,  but  it  is  only 
the  first  time  that  his  return  causes  his  son  or  other  relative  to  get  sick.  When 
two  or  three  years  pass  without  a deer  being  killed,  and  nobody  knows  the  reason, 
the  shaman  may  explain  that  the  father  of  an  Indian  wants  to  return  a second 
time.  In  this  way  a man  may  return  five  times  ; and  every  time  he  is  given  a new 
name,  according  to  information  furnished  by  the  shaman.  Following  are  some  of 
the  names  : — 

1.  Ruku'li  [votive  bowl]  Yoa'wi  [blue]  Te'vali,  which  means  4 Te'vali  with 

blue  votive  bowl.’ 

2.  Moye'li  [plumes]  Toto'n1  [ toto',  a white  flower  of  the  wet  season]  Te'vali; 

that  is,  4 Te'vali  with  plumes  and  toto'.’ 

3.  Wen  [owe'n,  ‘chair’]  Yoa'wi  [blue]  Te'vali;  that  is,  4 Te'vali  is  seated 

on  a blue  chair.’ 

4.  U'ra  [spark,  also  facial  painting]  Tonoa'mi  | name  of  the  morning  star] 

Te'vali,  which  means  ‘ Te'vali  with  the  facial  painting  of  the  morning 

star.’ 

5.  Neali'ka  | face]  Tawe'  [drunk]  Te'vali,  which  signifies  that  Te'vali  is  drunk 

in  the  face,  i.  c.,  the  intoxication  from  hi'kuli  shows  itself  in  his  face. 

Deer-lninters  after  death  become  tevali'r,  and  accompany  the  Sun  on  his 
travels.  They  live  where  the  Sun  rises,  which  place  is  called  Hai  [clouds]  Tono'- 
lipa  [ rising,  liberating  themselves  |.  In  that  region  are  believed  to  be  many  clouds, 
which,  like  plumes,  are  liberating  themselves.  Clouds  are  thought  to  be  plumes. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


65 


Fig.  54,  a,  shows  a te'vali  in  its  wrapping  attached  to  an  arrow.  It  was  found 
in  the  house  of  an  Indian  near  Santa  Catarina,  who  had  stuck  it  into  the  roof 
inside  of  the  house.  It  has  three  ‘winged’  parts,  one  over  the  other,  which  form 
three  sections.  The  upper  section  is  painted  in  the  most  usual  way,  — a broad 
colored  band  with  longitudinal  zig- 
zags and  lines.  The  band  is  red, 
and  surrounded  on  its  upper  and 
lower  ends  by  narrow  blue  bands  : 
this  is  a ‘ face  ’ or  picture  of  the  Sun 
(Tayau'  neali'ka).  The  lower  sec- 
tion is  in  arrangement  identical  with 
this,  only  the  color  of  the  broad 
band  is  blue,  and  that  of  the  narrow 
ones  black;  this  is  the  ‘face’  or 
picture  of  the  god  of  fire  (Tate'vali 
neali'ka).  Between  these  two  sec- 
tions is  the  third  and  smallest  one, 
painted  with  longitudinal  rows  of 
round  spots.  The  rows  are  alter- 
nately blue  and  red.  This  is  the 
‘ face  ’ or  picture  of  the  te'vali  (te'- 
vali neali'ka). 

The  wrapping  containing  the 
te'vali  has  been  tied  by  a red  and 
black  twisted  yarn  to  the  last-named 
section  of  the  ‘ winged  ’ part,  ex- 
tending also  partly  over  the  lowest 
one.  To  this  last  a hawk-feather 
has  been  attached.  The  idea  of 
tying  the  te'vali  to  the  ‘ winged  ’ 
part  specially  designed  for  it  on 
the  arrow  is  to  summon  him  to 
come.  This  same  meaning  applies 
to  all  cases  where  the  fetish  is  at- 
tached to  an  arrow. 

If  we  unroll  the  wrapping,  we  find  it  to  be  a small  piece  of  cotton-cloth  ( b ) 
made  specially  for  the  purpose.  It  has  a narrow  hem  all  round,  and  is 
embroidered  in  red  with  figures  that  represent  a certain  flower  called  toto'.  The 
complete  name  for  the  embroidery  is  toto'  sikuta'mi.  The  latter  word  means  that 
the  flower  is  reproduced  in  textile,  embroidery,  or  painting  ( cf.  Fig.  2 77,  f)-  This 
embroidered  piece  represents  the  blanket  (u'kali)  of  the  fetish  ( d ),  which,  be- 
sides, has  been  carefully  wrapped  in  cotton-wool  (te'vali  kupuriai'ya),  symbolic 
of  health  and  clouds.  Within  the  wrapping  is  also  a short  piece  of  bamboo  reed 


Fig.  54  Arrow,  with  Te'vali  in  its  Wrapping;  by  Wrapping 

unrolled;  <r,  dy  Contents  of  Wrapping, — ‘Winged’  Part  of  an  Arrow, 
and  a Te'vali. 


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LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


(c),  6.5  cm.  long,  with  both  ends  cut  off  even  ; and  it  is  painted  like  the  ‘ winged  ’ 
part  of  an  arrow,  which  it  is  really  intended  to  represent.  Its  complete  name  is 
te'vali  ulu'ya  iyaliai'ya  neali'ka  (‘te'vali’s  arrow-heart  picture’),  and,  as  it  is  the 
vital  part  of  the  arrow,  it  represents  the  whole  arrow  of  the  fetish  (cf  p.  83). 

The  man  who  kept  this  arrow  was  not  a hunter,  but  the  prayers  that  he  ex- 
pressed through  it  were  that  it  might  give  him  life  (toki'la),  and  keep  him  from 
being  bitten  by  the  scorpions.  Life,  which  is  a constant  object  of  prayer  with  the 

Huichols,  is,  in  their  conception,  hanging  somewhere  above 
them,  and  must  be  reached  out  for. 

Animals  belonging  to  the  Gods.  — In  the  various 
god-houses  images  of  animals  belonging  to  the  gods,  such 
as  deer,  turkeys,  tigers,  rabbits,  etc.,  may  frequently  be 
met  with.  Most  of  them  are  offered  as  silent  prayers, 
but  some  merely  express  adoration  of  the  god.  Generally 
they  are  carved  from  wood,  and  shaped  in  an  extremely 
rude  way.  Sometimes  they  are  painted,  and  nearly  always 
adorned  with  beads  fastened  by  beeswax. 

In  Fig.  55  is  seen  a rude  wooden  image  of  a macaw, 
taken  from  the  little  temple  of  Grandfather  Fire  at  Teaka'- 
ta.  It  was  standing  on  its  feet  in  an  erect  position.  It  is 
painted  red,  with  the  exception  of  five  spots  on  its  body,— 
one  on  each  side  of  the  breast,  one  below  the  throat,  one 
on  the  crest  of  the  breast,  and  one  on  the  stomach.  These 
spots  were  evidently  once  covered  with  beads,  as  there 
are  a few  remaining  on  the  three  uppermost  ones.  Round 
its  neck  is  a groove  to  which  a few  beads  have  been  attached.  Evidently  this 
was  intended  for  a necklace.  There  are  traces  of  blood  on  the  figure. 


Fig.  55  (55V).  A Wooden  Macaw. 
(Height,  about  23  cm.) 


Fig.  56  represents  a wooden  image  of  a deer  dedicated  to  the  Sun  (Tayau'). 
It  was  obtained  in  San  Andres,  where  Juan  Antonio  Minjares,  a native  of  the 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


67 


place,  made  it  for  me.  It  is  rather  artistically  decorated  with  variously  colored 
beads,  fastened  with  beeswax.  Blue  is  the  predominant  color,  but  red  is  also 
extensively  used,  the  designs  being  mainly  ornamental. 

In  the  country  round  Ratontita,  in  the  southeast,  the  Indians  make  small 
ceremonial  animals  of  a kind  of  braid-work,  using  for  the  purpose  strips  of 
the  century-plant  called  in  Mexican  Spanish  sotol. 


Fig.  60. 


Fig.  61. 

Figs.  57  (75V),  58  (tts).  Straw  Figures  representing  Rabbits.  (Length,  13  cm.  and  8.5  cm.) 

Fig.  59  (73k)*  Straw  Figure  representing  a Turkey.  (Length,  16  cm.) 

Fig.  60  (72V).  Part  of  a Straw  Figure  showing  Tail  of  a Rattlesnake. 

Fig.  61  (735).  Straw  Figure  representing  a Serpent.  (Length,  43.5  cm.) 

Figs.  57  and  58  represent  the  rabbit,  dedicated  to  the  Sun  (Tave'rik3).  Ears 
and  tail  are  prominent  features.  Some  rabbit  figures  have  four  legs,  but  that 
shown  in  Fig.  57  has  but  three.  Others  have  a handle  instead  of  legs  (Fig.  58), 
for  convenience  in  depositing  them.  In  another  specimen  of  rabbit  there  is 
a thin  handle  across  the  back,  no  doubt  for  hanging  it  up  in  some  god-house. 


68 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Fig.  59  represents  the  wild  turkey,  also  dedicated  to  the  Sun  (Tayau').  It  is 
characterized  by  the  appendage  to  the  throat  of  the  bird.  In  two  of  the  three 
specimens  secured  there  are  three  legs  to  enable  them  to  stand.  Fig.  60  shows  a 
rattlesnake,  which  was  dedicated  to  Mother  West-Water  ; and  Fig.  61,  a serpent, 
H ai'ku  (Sp.  ciilebra),  dedicated  to  the  same  Mother.  The  mouth  of  the  serpent 
is  distinct,  as  is  also  the  rattle  on  the  rattlesnake. 

Deer-heads  are  more  frequently  met  with  in  the  god-houses  than  figures 
of  animals.  In  the  accumulations  of  discarded  ceremonial  objects  found  near  the 
god-houses,  large  piles  of  bleached  deer-skulls,  as  well  as  antlers,  may  generally 
be  seen.  The  temples  too  are  very  often  adorned  with  deer-antlers.  The 
deer-heads  are  deposited  as  votive  offerings,  or  as  prayers  for  luck  in  hunting 
deer.  They  are  either  left  without  any  preparation  at  all,  or  are  skinned  and 
stuffed  with  grass,  part  of  the  frontal  bone  and  the  antlers  being  left  with 
the  skin.  The  heads  of  roes  are  also  deposited,  because  they  too  have  antlers, 


Fig.  63  (TK4ff).  Antlers  of  a Young  Deer.  (Height,  10  cm.) 


although  no  one  but  the  shaman  sees  them.  On  two  heads  in  the  collection, 
which  are  from  the  temple  of  Guayavas,  the  skinning  was  done  by  cutting  a slit 
along  the  throat  from  the  point  where  the  head  was  severed.  They  were  then 
carefully  stuffed  with  dry  grass,  and  the  slits  sewed  up  again.  The  lips,  as  well 
as  the  eyelids,  are  stitched  together,  and  in  one  case  a piece  of  red  flannel  is 
sewed  in  between  the  lids.  The  specimen  illustrated  (Fig.  62)  is  entangled  in 
a snare.  It  is  symbolic  of  a prayer  for  success  in  catching  deer.  Deer-antlers 
which  have  five  branches  belong  to  the  Sun  (Tayau')  ; when  they  have  three,  they 
belong  to  the  god  of  fire  ; and  when  two,  to  Elder  Brother.  In  the  cave  of 
Grandmother  Growth  I once  found  a pair  of  sheep-horns  which  had  been  left 
there  by  some  one  from  San  Andres  as  a mark  of  adoration. 

In  the  ranches  around  Santa  Catarina,  when  deer  are  killed,  one  pair  of 
antlers  is  placed  in  the  temple,  another  pair  in  Teaka'ta,  and  the  rest  are  kept  in 
the  house.  At  the  feast,  when  the  shaman  sits  singing  in  front  of  the  god-house 

o o o 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


69 


of  the  ranch,  the  new  antlers  may  be  found  with  the  ceremonial  objects  placed  in 
front  of  him  before  he  begins  to  sing.  After  the  festival  is  over,  they  are  placed 
in  the  god-house. 

It  will  be  remembered  (pp.  21-23)  how  important  a part  the  deer  plays  in 
the  religion  of  the  Huichol.  We  saw  that  the  antlers  are  considered  as  plumes, 
further  that  they  are  hi'kuli.  It  will  now  be  seen  from  Fig.  63  that  the  antlers 
are  also  arrows.  The  illustration  shows  the  antlers  of  a very  young  deer.  I 
found  them  deposited  in  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother  in  Teaka'ta.  They  are 
called  Kwatemo'kami  Sipora'wi.  Kwatemo'kami  means  a small  deer  up  to  one 
year  old  ; Sipora'wi,  that  the  deer  is  old  enough  to  have  antlers.  These  antlers 
signify  to  the  Indian,  who  deposited  them  for  luck,  the  plumes  of  the  hawk 
Piwa'mi,  which  belongs  to  Elder  Brother  ; further,  the  hi'kuli  of  Elder  Brother  ; 
and  finally  the  arrows  of  the  same  god.  The  idea  of  the  antlers  being  arrows 
readily  occurred  to  the  Huichol,  since  they  are  the  animal’s  weapon  of  attack 
and  defence. 

We  shall  presently  see,  in  treating  of  the  ceremonial  chairs,  that  these  are 
also  considered  as  antlers. 

Chairs  and  Stools.  — One  of  the  strangest  sights  in  the  sacred  caves  and 
god-houses  is  the  number  of  chairs  and  stools  of  varying  sizes  deposited  there  for 
the  gods.  These  are  conventionalized,  toy-like  objects  ; but  the  original  underly- 
ing idea  was,  of  course,  that  the  gods  should  take  their  seats  in  them,  — an  idea 
still  predominant  with  many.  This  is  shown  by  the  custom  of  placing  idols  in  the 
small  chairs  described  below.  The  purpose  of  depositing  them  is  either  to 
express  adoration  of  some  god,  or,  more  generally,  to  embody  prayers  for  various 
things.  Plumes  are  often  attached  to  them,  generally  to  the  back  ; frequently 
the  chairs  are  filled  with  ceremonial  arrows  stuck  upright  into  the  seat  ; ‘ beds  ’ 
are  also  placed  on  the  seat,  namely,  those  classed  as  ‘ flower-beds’  (p.  148)  ; in 
one  instance  (Pig.  187)  there  is  a curious  feather  ‘bed’  on  the  seat.  Finally 
symbolic  objects  are  hung  to  the  back  or  deposited  on  the  seat,  expressive  of 
the  supplicant’s  wants.  On  beholding  a chair  of  this  latter  kind,  one  instinc- 
tively calls  to  mind  the  easy-chair  of  a grandfather,  whom  the  little  children  have 
asked  for  presents  ; and  as  they  cannot  read  or  write,  they  have  hung  objects 
indicative  of  their  desires  on  the  back  of  his  chair  or  deposited  them  on  its 
seat.  He  will  understand  their  meaning-  when  he  comes  to  rest  in  the  chair. 

The  chairs  and  the  stools  are  small  copies  of  those  in  use  among  the  Huichols 
of  to-day,  but  often  somewhat  modified.  They  have  the  same  names.  The  chair 
is  called  owe'n  (Sp.  si /la ) ; and  the  stool,  u'pali  (Sp.  banco).  The  stool  (Fig.  64) 
js  simply  the  chair  without  back  and  arms.  It  is  made  of  split  bamboo  sticks, 
joined  above  and  below  to  a hoop  of  strong  wood,  the  lower  hoop  being  slightly 
smaller  than  the  upper  one.  Strips  of  strong  bark  taken  from  a tree  called 
ha'tala  u'ra,  that  grows  in  the  canons,  have  been  tied  across  the  latter  in  all 
directions,  forming  a seat.  On  top  of  this  bark  seat  a coarsely  plaited  matting  of 


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LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


thin  strips  of  bamboo  is  securely  fastened.  The  seat  is  called  i'tsi,  and  round  its 
edge  is  bound  a layer  of  strips  of  leaves  of  the  century-plant,  sotol,  placed  longitu- 
dinally, and  tied  with  a rope  of 
fibre  from  the  above-mentioned 
tree.  The  appliance  of  leaves  of 
sotol,  which  at  first  seems  purely 
ornamental,  is  significant,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  traditions 
regarding  the  chair.  As  seen 
in  the  myth  on  p.  71,  the  stool, 
and  accordingly  the  chair,  is  to 
be  considered  as  the  flower  of 
sotol.  There  are  many  houses 
in  which  stools  or  chairs  are 
found,  though  seldom  more  than 
one  of  a kind. 

The  chairs  are  made  by  at- 
taching a back  and  arms  to  the 
stool,  as  seen  in  Fig.  65.  The 
main  framework  of  the  back  con- 
sists of  two  natural  forked  sticks, 
attached  with  prongs  downward. 
One  prong  has  been  tied  to  the 
chair,  while  the  other  stands  out 
as  a leg  or  support  to  the  back. 
In  order  to  make  the  outstanding 
legs  firm,  two  sticks  have  been 
tied  crossways  between  them. 
The  framework  of  the  back  is 
completed  by  three  strong  pieces 
of  split  bamboo  reed  tied  to  it 
horizontally  and  at  equal  dis- 
tances from  each  other.  This 
solid  back  is  further  strengthened 
by  the  addition  of  thin  pieces  of  a 
kind  of  bamboo  tied  on  in  the  form 
of  large  fancy  scrolls  (toni'kuli). 

The  framework  of  the  arms 
consists  of  a strong  upright  stick 
tied  to  each  side  of  the  front,  and 
th  ree  horizontal  sticks  connecting 
it  with  the  back  ; each  side  being 
furnished,  in  the  same  way  as  the  back,  with  scrolls  of  bamboo. 


LUM HOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


7 1 


The  different  parts  of  the  stool  and  the  chair  are  all  put  together  and  firmly 
secured  at  the  joints  by  heavy  twine  of  ixtle  and  glue.  The  latter  is  taken  from 
the  root  of  a certain  plant  called  kwe'tsaka  (Mex.  Sp.  chautle ),  and  adheres 
admirably.  When  prepared  for  use,  it  is  moistened  with  water  and  rubbed  on  the 
metate,  being  at  the  same  time  mixed  with  burnt  grass,  which  gives  it  a dark  hue. 
The  grass  must  be  of  the  kind  called  yemokwa'li,  referred  to  on  p.  35.  The  glue 
thus  prepared  is  put  on  in  thick  daubs,  which  are  rounded  off  with  the  fingers,  and 
gradually  become  as  hard  as  wood. 

There  are  very  few  chair-makers.  They  live  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river, 
near  Santa  Catarina,  and  easily  supply  the  wants  of  the  Huichols. 

In  all  temples  on  festive  occasions  one  may  meet  with  such  chairs,  the 
shaman  and  the  officers  of  the  temple  being  seated  in  them.  They  thus  have  a 
religious  importance  which  is  wanting  in  the  stools;  and  the  shaman  always  sings 
sitting  in  a chair.  When  the  festival  is  over,  each  one  carries  his  chair  home. 

At  first  sight  one  may  doubt  whether  these  chairs  and  stools,  particularly  the 
former,  which  in  their  general  aspect  resemble  the  easy-chairs  of  civilized  life,  are 
aboriginal  work  or  not.  While  I do  not  remember  ever  having  met  with 
chairs  in  Mexican  houses,  it  is  quite  frequent  to  see  stools  there.  It  might 
be  inferred  that  the  Huichols,  who  are  great  travellers,  obtained  their  ideas  from 
white  men,  but  this  is  quite  improbable.  In  the  whole  neighborhood  of  the 
H uichol  country  there  are  no  chair  manufacturers  as  far  southwest  as  Tepic,  or  as 
far  east  as  Zacatecas.  I made  the  acquaintance  of  one  in  the  suburbs  of  Guada- 
lajara, who,  however,  was  far  from  being  so  skilled  in  his  art  as  the  best  Huichol 
makers. 

But  what  is  decisive  in  this  question  is  that  I found  the  Huichols  to  have 
myths  and  traditions  on  the  subject,  which  I here  give. 

“ Elder  Brother  made  chairs  for  all  the  gods.  ‘ The  chair  is  the  flower  of  the 
sotol’  (rutu'li  tsai),  said  he.  He  cut  the  two  forked  sticks  that  form  the  main 
framework  at  the  back  of  the  chair  from  a tree  called  re'tata  kwakwa'ri,  which  is 
very  strong,  and  lasts  for  a long  time.  He  also  went  to  Grandmother  Growth  to 
ask  her  for  the  glue,  and  for  the  grass  to  mix  with  it.  He  asked  Grandfather 
Fire  for  a spark,  in  order  to  burn  the  grass  and  make  it  fit  to  be  mixed  with  the 
glue.  The  fancy  scrolls  he  made  from  a large  vine  called  neoli',  asking  permis- 
sion of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  to  cut  it.  The  seat  he  made  by  the  favor  of 
Grandfather  Kauyuma'li,  and  he  got  the  strips  of  sotol  leaves  from  Great-grand- 
father Deer-Tail.  All  the  bamboo  and  the  ixtle  he  furnished  himself. 

“ In  former  times,  when  the  corn  was  a deer,  the  antlers  became  a chair, 
that  Grandfather  Fire  might  sit  down  : therefore  to-day  the  antlers  of  the  deer  are 
considered  as  the  chair  of  Grandfather  Fire,  and  all  the  principal  gods  have 
similar  chairs.” 

The  stool  was  originally  made  from  the  branches  of  a bush  called  opali'ra. 
This  was  before  the  mythical  ancestors  had  learned  to  use  bamboo.1 


1 I collected  specimens  of  this  bush,  but  have  not  been  able  to  have  them  identified. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Grandfather  Fire  (Tate'vali  Ku'mke  Wee'me)  was  the  first  who  sat  down  in 
a chair  before  he  and  the  mythical  ancestors  started  out  running  deer.  “ But  they 
killed  only  a rabbit  ; and  the  arrow  remained  ugly,  smeared  with  the  blood  of 
th  is  animal.” 

I shal'l  first  consider  some  specimens  of  ceremonial  chairs.  In  the  collec- 
tion is  one  dedicated  to  the  god  of  fire  (Tate'vali  owe'n)  which  was  found  in  the 
god-house  at  Teaka'ta.  It  is  not  worth  while  picturing  it,  as  it  is  an  exact  copy 
of  the  ordinary  chair  described,  only  of  a diminutive  size  (33.5  cm.  high  at 
the  back).  It  was  deposited  as  a mark  of  adoration  of  the  god.  Ceremonial 
arrows  are  stuck  upright  into  such  chairs,  as  previously  alluded  to.  In  the  god- 
houses  a great  number  of  chairs  fitted  out  in  that  way  may  generally  be  observed. 

In  the  gocl-house  of  Grandfather  Fire  may  be  seen  double  or  triple  chairs, 
each  consisting  of  two,  sometimes  three,  stools  joined  together  side  by  side,  having 

a common  back,  and  being  generally 
about  double  the  size  of  the  single 
one  just  mentioned. 

Fig.  66  shows  a chair  of  Grand- 
father Fire.  It  has  two  attachments 
on  the  back.  One  is  a real  tobacco- 
gourd,  smaller  than  the  usual  size,  and 
without  any  stopper  (cf  Figs.  260- 
264).  It  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  raising 
the  small  squashes  from  which  tobacco- 
gourds  are  made.  The  other  object 
represents  a hi'kuli-seeker’s  tobacco- 
gourd.  Its  main  part  is  made  from 
a wad  of  cotton-wool,  which  is  tied 
around  and  over  one  end  of  the  nar- 
row neck  of  a gourd.  Pieces  of  red 
crewel  are  wound  round  the  wool 
longitudinally  to  keep  it  in  place  and 
by  way  of  adornment.  It  has  a stop- 
per, which  is  cut  from  a small  gourd 
and  adorned  with  transverse  layers  of  blue  crewel  fastened  with  beeswax.  I his 
symbol  of  a gourd  expresses  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  deer. 

Fig.  67  shows  a chair  dedicated  to  Mother  East-Water,  from  the  temple 
of  San  Jose  near  San  Andres,  where  it  was  exhibited  at  the  feast  of  tamales  de 
maiz  crudo.  The  fancy  scrolls,  as  will  be  seen,  are  missing.  Hawk-feathers  have 
been  stuck  into  the  seat. 

Fig.  68  represents  a chair  which  was  dedicated  to  Grandfather  hire,  from 
whose  god-house  at  Teaka'ta  it  was  taken.  It  is  modified  somewhat,  in  that  the 
usual  back  and  sides  are  wanting.  Instead  of  these,  four  connecting  arches- — two 
long  and  high,  and  two  short  and  low  — have  been  placed  on  the  edge  of  the 


Fig.  66  Orffs)*  Chair  of  Grandfather  Fire.  (Height,  30  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


73 


seat.  They  consist  of  split  bamboo,  wound  with  cotton  cord  and  crewel  or  wool. 
The  two  largest  arches  are  covered  with  white  cotton  cord,  over  which  red 
crewel  is  wound,  the  white  appearing  between  the  windings.  The  extreme  third 
of  one  of  these  arches  is  wound  with  blue.  The  little  arch  which  connects  this 
blue  end  with  the  other  large  arch  is  covered  with  brown  yarn,  and  the  one  opposite 
to  it  with  white  and  red. 


The  seat  consists  of  a network  of  white  and  black  yarn.  A ‘ bed  ’ of  the 
god  is  placed  on  the  seat,  and  secured  on  one  side  by  thin  strips  of  palmdeaf.  It 
is  much  like  a thick  rug,  and  is  woven  from  white  yarn,  wads  of  white  wool,  and 
red  yarn,  the  last  forming  red  parallel  stripes  on  the  white  background.  It  io  a 
‘ flower-bed,’  which  is  a form  of  back-shield.  The  chair  was  deposited  to  express 
a prayer  for  health  and  life. 

There  are  several  chairs  of  this  description  in  the  collection.  In  two  of  them 
there  are  two  arches  of  equal  length,  intersecting  each  other  at  their  middle 
points.  They  belong  respectively  to  the  Corn  Mother  and  to  Mother  West- 

Water.  The  prayer  expressed  by  the  chair  of  the  latter  is  interesting.  Its  object 
is  success  in  raising  corn  and  cotton,  the  latter  expressed  by  wads  of  cotton-wool 
attached  to  the  seat.  The  chair  is  but  6 cm.  in  height. 

In  Fig.  69  is  shown  a chair  dedicated  to  Mother  West- Water  (Tate'  Kye- 
wimo'ka  owe'n).  It  has  two  arches  or  arms  parallel  to  each  other;  but  the  most 
striking  peculiarity  about  it  is  that  an  ‘ eye  ’ or  si'kuli  has  been  substituted 
for  the  seat.  The  colors  of  the  cord  and  crewel  tied  over  the  hoops  that  form  the 
arms  are  white,  dark  blue,  and  red.  The  large  ‘ eye  ’ which  is  tied  to  the  chair, 
and  serves  as  a seat,  is  white  in  its  central  part  ; then  follow  sections  of  dark  blue, 
red,  white,  and  red.  It  is  an  ‘ eye  ’ of  the  goddess  in  question,  and  has  the  usual 
meaning,  namely,  that  of  a prayer  that  she  may  keep  an  eye  on  the  supplicant.  A 


74 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


parrot-feather,  and  an  artificial  flower  made  from  white  and  yellow  paper,  are  at- 
tached to  one  of  the  arms,  and  a parrot-feather  to  the  other,  all  symbolizing 
prayers  for  life.  On  the  seat  are  two  small  votive  bowls  of  the  Mother  (Tate' 
Kyewimo'ka  ruku'li),  one  on  top  of  the  other,  each  embodying  a different  prayer. 

The  lower  one  (Fig.  70)  is  not  painted,  but  has  been  adorned  with  kernels  of 
white  corn,  called  niwe'saka,  many  of  which  are  now  lost.  According  to  tradition, 
these  sprang  in  ancient  times  from  white  clouds  of  Mother  North-Water.  Kernels 
of  corn  placed  in  such  a way  in  a votive  bowl  are  put  there  as  a sacrifice  and  as  a 
prayer  for  more  corn.  In  the  centre  is  a coil  made  from  a string  of  red  beads.  A 

free  end  of  the  coil  has  been  carried  to  one 
side,  and  arranged  in  festoons  surrounding 
the  coil.  The  coil  represents  a heap  of 
beans,  and  the  long  string  signifies  the  root 
of  the  bean-plant.  Prayers  for  beans  and 
corn  are  thus  expressed. 

The  other  bowl  (Fig.  71)  is  painted  red  ; 
and  in  the  centre  are  a number  of  white  and 
blue  beads  on  a daub  of  beeswax,  significant 
of  corn.  The  bowl  thus  expresses  a prayer 
for  corn. 

Through  the  large  ‘eye’  that  forms  the 
seat  of  the  chair  a small  ‘ eye  ’ of  the  same 
goddess  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ka  si'kuli)  is  stuck. 
The  centre  is  dark  blue,  and  the  border 
white.  It  is  a prayer  for  the  health  of  a 
child.  The  main  purpose  of  the  chair  is  to 
express  a prayer  for  corn  and  beans,  empha- 
sized further  by  the  two  votive  bowls  ; also 
long  life  is  asked  for  through  the  parrot- 
feathers  and  artificial  flower  ; and  the  maker 
added  a prayer  that  his  child  might  continue 

Fig.  69  (xffg).  Chair  of  Mother  West-Water.  (Height,  16  cm.) 

in  <joocl  health. 

o 


A chair  carved  out  of  wood  is  shown  in  Pig.  72.  It  is  dedicated  to  Tate' 
Tuliriki'ta  (in  regard  to  this  goddess  see  p.  52),  and  was  taken  from  her  cave  in 
Santa  Catarina.  It  is  painted  blue  with  indigo  ; and  both  to  the  seat  and  to  the 
lower  part  of  the  back  beads  are  attached  on  layers  of  beeswax.  The  ornament 
on  the  seat,  which  has  been  somewhat  damaged  through  handling,  consists  of 
a coil  made  from  a string  of  white  beads,  surrounded  by  a row  of  blue  beads. 
This  circular  figure  symbolizes  corn.  From  it  extend  ray-like  rows  of  beads,  em- 
blematic of  beans.  The  zigzag  line  of  white  beads  at  the  back  represents  the 
squash-vine.  This  chair  thus  expresses  a prayer  for  corn,  beans,  and  squashes  in 
plenty. 

I would  add  that  one  chair  of  the  usual  type,  with  back  and  arms,  is  profusely 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


75 


adorned  with  blue,  red,  and  yellow  paper,  obtained  from  the  Mexicans.  The 
paper  is  wound  round  the  framework,  and  paper  flowers  are  attached  to  it  every- 
where. The  chair  is  dedicated  to  Mother  East- Water,  and  expresses  a prayer  for 
luck  in  raising  cattle,  which  are  all  supposed  to  belong  to  her. 


Fig.  70  (xfjjgf).  Lower  Bowl  on  Chair,  Fig.  69,  Inside  View. 
Fig.  71  (iffsO-  Upper  Bowl  on  Chair,  Fig.  69,  Inside  View. 


Fig.  71. 
(Diam.,  7 cm.) 
(Diam.  6 cm.) 


FlS-  72.  Fig.  73. 

Fig.  72  (iffg).  Chair  of  Tate'  Tuliriki'ta.  (Height,  9 cm.) 

F'g-  73  (lias)*  Stool  of  Mother  East-Water.  (Height,  io  cm.) 


Some  of  the  stools  are  exactly  like  the  one  figured  in  Fig.  64,  but  of  a smaller 
size.  Generally,  however,  they  are  modified  in  their  make,  cotton  cord  and  crewel 
forming  part  of  the  material  employed.  The  seat  is  made  of  cotton  cord  or 
variously  colored  crewel,  which  is  stretched  across  the  upper  hoop  in  all  directions 
or  with  the  threads  perpendicular  to  each  other,  or  it  may  be  closely  interwoven 


76 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


over  the  hoop.  Glue  is  rarely  applied  to  the  joints,  these  being  fastened  almost 
without  exception  by  ixtle  or  cotton  cord  alone. 

Fig.  73  shows  a ceremonial  stool  of  the  latter  type,  belonging  to  Mother 
East- Water,  the  material  of  the  seat  being  red  crewel  and  white  cotton  cord. 
It  was  taken  from  her  god-house  in  Teaka'ta,  and  is  a request  for  success  in 
raising  corn. 

In  other  specimens  an  ‘ eye  ’ is  substituted  for  the  usual  seat.  See,  for 
instance,  Fig.  205. 


Fetishes.  — Stones,  generally  chalcedony,  having  a peculiar  shape  or  color, 
become  fetishes  of  the  Indians,  and  are  plentiful,  especially  in  the  neighborhood 
of  San  Andres.  Sometimes  there  is  a whole  heap  of  such  stones,  in  which  case 
every  one  is  thought  to  be  related  to  every  other  stone  within  the  same  heap  ; 

the  whole  heap  being  one 
family,  so  to  speak,  and 
called  by  the  same  collec- 
tive name,  after  the  principal 
member.  All  are  instru- 
mental in  producing  rain 
and  bringing  good  luck  ; 
and  ceremonial  arrows  and 
votive  bowls  are  placed 
near  them. 

Outside  of  the  pueblo 
of  San  Andres  is  a quarry 
of  chalcedony  called  Si'kima 
„ ,6E.  _ „ . , ,,  . n , or  Ri'kima.  All  the  pieces 

strewn  on  the  ground  here 
are  sacred  and  mystic  to  the  Huichols,  being  mysterious  people  or  gods,  or 
rather  fetishes.  In  the  course  of  time  the  shamans  gathered  some  of  them  into 
a heap,  and  the  relation  of  all  the  pieces,  one  to  another,  is  known  to  them.  I 
was  allowed  to  take  some  stones  from  the  heap,  the  largest  of  which  is  shown  in 
Fig.  74.  It  is  about  19.5  cm.  long,  is  covered  with  peculiar  white  nodules,  and 
represents  a female.  Another,  which  presents  about  the  same  appearance  but  is 
smaller,  is  also  a female.  Others,  which  are  still  smaller,  are  young  people. 

A chalcedony  nodule  with  a drusy  quartz  incrustation  was  taken  from 
another  group  of  stones  only  twenty-five  yards  from  the  preceding  one,  and  of 
the  same  name.  Conspicuous  in  this  group  were  two  large  stones  of  curious 
shape,  suggestive  of  long  necks,  limbs,  etc.  Two  priests,  who  some  years  ago 
were  staying  for  a short  while  in  San  Andres,  and  who  were  shown  several 
of  these  heaps  of  stones  that  the  Huichols  worship,  broke  them  ; but  this  has  not 
changed  in  any  way  the  opinion  of  the  Indians  about  the  stones.  That  could  only 
have  been  brought  about  if  the  priests  had  been  able  to  carry  off  not  only  every 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


77 


piece  of  chalcedony  in  the  country,  but  also  every  other  stone  that  may  have 
some  curious  shape. 

In  another  group  of  such  natural  fetishes  I noticed  a Hat  piece  of  chalcedony 
(amorphous  quartz)  about  8.5  cm.  long,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  ‘bed’ 
of  the  divine  being  which  resides  there,  To'la  Kwa'ri,  the  whole  heap  having 
consequently  the  same  name. 

Another  sacred  spot  of  this  kind  is  called  Kasi'wali.  Here  was  found  a sort 
of  chalcedony  closely  resembling  a chert,  and  it  is  supposed  to  attract  rain  from 
the  south. 

At  another  place,  called  Te'ka  Tete',  a chalcedony  crust  was  obtained,  sup- 
posed to  be  the  ‘ Mother  of  the  Scorpions’  (Fig.  75).  There  are  in  it  impressions 
of  calcite  crystals  which  have  been  removed  by  solution.  In  it  is  enclosed  a small 
piece  of  the  same  material,  which  some  shaman  had  put  there,  and  which  now 


Fig.  75  (355).  Chalcedony  Crust  representing  the  4 Mother  of  the 
Scorpions.’  (Length,  n cm.) 


Fig.  76  (3*3).  Clay  Figure  repre- 
senting a Dog  for  running  Deer. 
(Length,  7 cm.) 


cannot  be  taken  out  without  considerable  effort.  It  is  to  the  Indian  mind  sugges- 
tive of  a child  in  the  womb,  and  the  crust  is  called  ‘ Mother  of  the  Scorpions,’  and 
worshipped  accordingly. 

Two  pieces  of  chalcedony  were  taken  from  a small  heap  of  stones  supposed 
to  be  hens  or  roosters.  The  larger  piece  which  I took  is  believed  to  be  a hen, 
which,  by  a stretch  of  the  imagination,  it  may  be  said  to  resemble.  A small  round 
stone  is  considered  as  an  egg.  These  fetishes  are  thought  to  bring  luck  to  the 
hens,  causing  them  to  multiply  rapidly.  There  are  many  more  stone  fetishes  near 
San  Andres  than  those  above  mentioned. 

Near  stones  of  this  kind,  or  on  top  of  them,  is  frequently  found  a heap 
of  small  earthenware  objects  rudely  made,  and  representing  mostly  animals,  but 
also  household  utensils.  I visited  several  places  in  the  neighborhood  of  San 
Andres  where  these  peculiar  heaps  may  be  seen  in  lonely  spots  in  the  forest.  I 
secured  specimens  from  them,  and  in  my  collection  are  found  deer,  a dog 
for  running  deer  (Fig.  76),  two  coiled  serpents,  and  a gray  fox.  There  also  two 
cows  and  two  mules.  One  of  the  cows  and  one  of  the  mules  have  each  a 


73 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


head  in  place  of  the  tail,  thus  having  two  heads.  Each  cow  (Fig.  77)  carries  on 
its  back  a sort  of  cup.  One  of  the  mules  (Fig.  78)  is  furnished  with  a kind 
of  double  cup  ; the  other  one,  with  a three-pronged  figure  of  the  same  size  as  a 
cup  (Fig.  79).  I believe  these  appendages  to  the  back,  in  regard  to  which  I have 
no  information  from  the  Indians,  represent  the  milk  and  cheese  which  the  cow 
yields,  and  the  burdens  the  mules  carry.  Further,  there  is  a pair  of  diminutive 
horns  (Fig.  80).  They  represent  a pair  of  horns  taken  from  an  ox  that  has  been 


Fig.  77. 


Fig.  78. 


Fig.  7q. 


Fig.  80. 


Fig.  77  (33s).  Clay  Figure  representing  a Cow.  (Length,  14  cm.) 

Fig.  78  (sse)*  Clay  Figure  representing  a Mule.  (Length,  9 cm.) 

Fig.  79  (3^3).  Clay  Figure  representing  a Mule.  (Length,  8.5  cm.) 

Fig.  80  (33V)*  Clay  Figure  representing  a Pair  of  Horns.  (Length,  10  cm.) 


sacrificed.  At  the  rain-making  feasts,  when  oxen  are  sacrificed,  the  horns 
are  always  taken  off  from  the  head,  together  with  part  of  the  frontal  bone,  and 
adorned  with  flowers.  No  doubt  their  significance  is  similar  to  that  attached  to 
deer-antlers.  The  figures  representing  household  utensils,  which  are  also  of  very 
diminutive  size,  are  a comal  (the  plate  of  burnt  clay  on  which  tortillas  or  corn- 
cakes  are  baked),  and  a small  jar  representing  the  one  in  which  the  corn  is  kept, 
for  use  by  the  woman  who  is  engaged  in  grinding  on  the  metate.  Then  there  are 
a jar  and  a plate  of  very  small  size,  representing  the  ordinary  household  utensils 
of  the  Fluichols,  for  instance,  those  in  which  food  is  offered.  Finally  there  is  a 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


79 


bowl  8 cm.  in  diameter,  in  which  food  is  offered  to  the  fetish  at  the  pile  of 
stones.  The  edge  is  scalloped,  which  is  quite  unusual.  This  I have  seen  only 
on  votive  bowls  made  from  gourds.  Maybe  it  was  meant  to  represent  such 
a one. 

I have  noticed,  besides,  in  such  piles,  pipes  and  gray  squirrels  made  of 
the  same  material.  Double  vessels  called  ipa'x  (Fig.  81)  are  always  found  at  such 
places.  Generally  there  are  more 
than  one  present,  and  they  may  be 
on  top  of  the  pile  or  along- 
side of  it.  Such  a vessel  might  be 
described  as  two  cups  communicat- 
ing by  a narrow  passage  ; but  this 
form  undergoes  material  changes, 

O 7 

SO  that  it  is  often  difficult  to  recog-  Fig.  8i  (&%).  Double  Vessel  of  Burnt  Clay.  (Length,  ig  cm.) 

nize  the  original  idea.  In  one  of  the 

specimens  obtained  there  is  no  passage,  and  the  connecting  link  between  the 
two  vessels  is  quite  narrow.  Among  the  household  utensils  of  the  Fluichols 
there  is  none  corresponding  to  this  ceremonial  object,  which  is  also  found  in  the 
sacred  caves  and  in  the  god-houses,  where  it  is  occasionally  filled  with  atole, 
or  grains  of  corn,  as  offerings  to  the  various  deities.  I have  seen  such  vessels 
filled  with  water  alone,  both  at  the  votive  heaps  and  standing  underneath  a god- 
house.  When  the  Huichol  has  finished  planting  corn,  he  places  this  symbolic 
object  on  some  mountain,  or  rather  in  the  mountains  (sierra)  from  which  winds 
come,  in  order  that  the  wind  shall  not  blow  so  much  as  to  destroy  the  young 
corn-plants.  It  is  also  deposited  for  other  purposes,  according  to  the  decision  of 
the  shaman.  It  may,  for  instance,  be  offered  in  order  to  allay  pain  in  the 
stomach  ; or  by  a woman  who  desires  to  have  a child,  the  underlying  idea  being 
that  the  sacrifice  will  stop  menstruation. 

Ceremonial  arrows  are  stuck  into  the  heaps,  and  votive  bowls  are  also  oc- 
casionally left  there.  The  heaps  are  not  always  found  on  or  near  these  stone 
fetishes.  This  seems  to  be  the  case  only  when  the  fetish  is  an  isolated  and  prob- 
ably important  one.  Such  a fetish  is  said  to  be  beneficial  in  producing  rain  and 
springs,  and  guards  animals,  fields,  and  utensils.  The  objects  deposited  are  votive 
offerings  to  the  fetish  who  protects  the  animals,  fields,  and  utensils.  They  are 
prayers  for  good  luck,  in  killing  deer,  in  hunting,  raising  cattle  and  mules,  and 
making  household  utensils.  The  coiled  serpents,  gray  squirrels,  and  gray  foxes 
are  animals  connected  with  the  fetish,  expressing  devotion  and  in  directly  prayers  ; 
and  the  pipes  with  their  mystic  powers  are  given  him  because  he  is  a shaman. 
The  accumulation  of  objects  on  top  of  the  natural  stone  fetish  may  be  termed 
a ‘votive  heap,’  and  expresses  prayers  and  adoration,  in  the  same  way  as  do 
symbolic  figures  painted  on  the  disks  of  gods  or  woven  in  fabrics. 

They  recall  somewhat  similar  small  objects  found  at  different  localities  in 
Mexico.  Professor  Frederick  Starr  in  1897  described  some  from  the  lake  of 


8o 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Chapala,  from  which  place  I myself  brought  a large  collection  the  same  year. 
Others  have  been  mentioned  by  Mrs.  Nuttall.  Possibly  some  inference  as  to 
their  significance  may  be  drawn  from  the  votive  heaps  of  the  Huichols. 

A peculiar  object  is  shown  in  Fig.  82.  It  is  the  reproduction  of  a white  rock 
which  is  in  the  sea  near  San  Bias,  a port  in  the  territory  of  Tepic  frequently 

visited  by  the  Huichol  for  depositing  offerings  in  the  sea. 
It  is  called  Wasi'evi,  and  was  taken  from  the  god-house 
of  Mother  West-Water  in  Teaka'ta.  It  consists  of  a piece 
of  solidified  volcanic  ash  carved  in  the  shape  of  a truncated 
pyramid  10  cm.  high.  On  each  side  three  lines  running 
in  a longitudinal  direction,  and  on  each  corner  a row  of 
transverse  notches,  have  been  carved.  The  object  is 
painted  black  between  the  notches  ; and  the  two  longitudi- 
nal fields  formed  by  the  three  incised  lines  are  painted,  one 
black,  and  the  other  with  black  spots.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  these  markings  represent  certain  natural  markings 
seen  on  the  rock,  which  to  the  Indians  have  a symbolic 
meaning.  The  spots  are  symbols  of  corn,  and  the  carved 
notches  are  staircases  (for  the  clouds  to  travel  on).  The 
carved  longitudinal  lines,  and  the  longitudinal  black  fields, 
are  symbolic  of  rain.  There  are  traces  of  blood  on  it. 

On  top  of  it  is  a corncob  of  wood  thickly  covered  with 
dark  blue  beads,  and  adorned  on  top  with  a paper  flower 
bought  from  the  Mexicans.  The  corncob  is  fastened  to 
the  pyramid  by  means  of  beeswax,  and  three  rows  of  strings  of  blue  beads  are 
attached  round  the  joint.  The  top  symbolizes  a serpent  called  Yoa'wimeka, — 
a serpent  of  the  sea,  which,  according  to  the  Indians,  looks  like  a small  ear  of  corn, 
the  blue  beads  signifying  the  sea  in  which  the  serpent  lives.  It  is  corn,  because 
in  former  days  the  corn  was  a serpent. 

The  white  appearance  of  the  rock  of  San  Bias  suggested  at  once  to  the 
Fluichol  its  connection  with  clouds,  and  it  became  a fetish  instrumental  in  bring- 
ing rain.  Thus  its  image  expresses  a prayer  for  clouds  that  shall  come  from  the 
sea  and  bring  serpents  of  the  sea,  i.  e.,  corn. 


Fig.  82  (rif^)-  Figure  represent- 
ing a White  Rock  near  San  Bias. 
(Height,  12.5  cm.  ; diam.  of  base, 
7 cm.) 


The  Two-headed  Serpent.  — The  idea  of  a serpent  surrounding  the  world, 
conceived  of  in  different  ways,  but  of  general  occurrence  among  the  races  of  man, 
is  also  found  in  the  Huichol  tribe.  In  Fig.  83  is  shown  a representation  of  the 
serpent  Tate'  Ipou,  that,  in  the  belief  of  the  Huichols,  surrounds  the  world.  It 
has  two  heads,  between  which  the  Sun  must  pass  when  setting,  having  daily  to  pay 
a Huichol  to  each  of  them.  I found  the  symbolic  object  representing  the  serpent 
stored  in  one  of  the  niches  in  the  temple  of  Santa  Catarina.  It  is  a rudely  made 
cylinder  of  burnt  clay,  reddish  in  color,  and  17  cm.  long,  the  heads  being  indicated 
by  an  open  mouth  at  each  end,  as  well  as  by  small  ornamental  circular  indentations 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICFIOL  INDIANS. 


8l 


along  the  edges  of  the  upper  and  lower  jaws,  and  around  one  of  the  necks.  Two 
indentations  of  the  same  kind  serve  as  eyes.  Round  the  middle  of  the  body  are 
arranged,  at  equal  distances,  four  longi- 
tudinal rows  of  small  circular  holes.  It 
was  intended  to  be  afterwards  taken  to 
Mesa  del  Nayarit  (Sakaimo'ka),  to  be 
left  as  a prayer  for  rain,  in  which  case 

it  would  have  first  been  filled  with  WaVe,  Fig-  ?3  (if?*)-  Clay  Figure  representing  the  Two-headed  Serpent. 

(Length,  17  cm.) 

and  the  side-holes  stopped  up  with 

beeswax.  Wa've  (Sp.  chia  or  chocil ) is  the  name  of  the  seeds  of  Amarantus 
leucocarpus  Watson  (and  also  of  the  plant  itself),  which  grows  wild,  but  is  some- 
times cultivated.  The  seeds  are  eaten,  being  ground  on  the  metate  and  made 
into  cakes.  However,  they  are  mainly  for  religious  use,  and  are  an  important 
factor  in  various  ceremonies.  Wa've,  which  according  to  tradition  is  older  than 
corn,  is  the  food  of  the  ancestral  gods,  and  there  are  five  kinds, — black  for 
Grandfather  Fire,  white  for  Mother  West-Water,  yellow  for  the  Corn  Mother, 
and  two  other  kinds  which  show  their  differences  in  the  color  of  the  leaves  of  the 
plant.  The  Wa've  put  into  the  clay  serpent  is  therefore  to  be  considered  as  its 
food, a votive  food-offering. 

The  same  serpent  is  at  times  represented  with  a single  head.  On  the 
lower  surface  of  the  disk  of  Father  Sun  (Fig.  17)  five  serpents  of  the  same  name 
are  pictured,  each  with  one  head.  The  artist  has  there  given  a fair  representation 
of  a serpent  which  I once  killed,  — - the  beautifully  colored  Pituophis pleurostictus 
Dum.  and  Bibr.,  whose  main  color  is  red.  The  Indians  then  at  once  exclaimed 
that  I had  killed  Sakaimo'ka,  and  besides  called  it  Tate'  Ipou.  It  is  the  same 
serpent  with  one  head  that  gave  San  Andres  its  native  name,  Tate'  Fkia  (‘  the 
house  of  the  Mother  ’),  which  was,  according  to  tradition,  born  there,  and  afterwards 
travelled  down  to  the  coast.  Having  the  same  name,  it  is  evident  that  these 
serpents  are  the  same  to  the  Indian  mind.  There  is  no  more  contradiction  in 
this  than  in  the  fact  that  there  are  various  serpents  representing  one  and  the  same 
god,  or  that  the  same  name  is  given  to  a river  as  to  the  serpent  living  in  it.  Even 
Grandmother  Growth  and  the  Corn  Mother  are  called  Tate'  Ipou. 

The  sea,  which  to  the  Indian  mind  surrounds  the  entire  world,  is,  with  its 
serpent-like  motion,  the  largest  of  all  serpents.  It  is  the  great  all-devouring  one. 
The  sun  has  to  plunge  past  its  open  jaws  as  day  sinks  into  night  and  all  becomes 
darkness  ; and  with  it  human  beings  disappear,  caught  by  the  serpent.  But  the 
serpent,  being  all  water  and  the  greatest  of  all  waters,  is  also  the  greatest  cloud- 
maker,  and  thus  also  beneficial  to  the  Huichol.  Its  rain-making  powers  have  to 
be  appealed  to,  and  therefore  its  image  is  carried  to  the  west  as  a powerful 
embodiment  of  prayers  for  rain. 

We  shall  now  enter  upon  the  description  of  certain  other  characteristic  sym- 
bolic objects  which  occupy  a most  prominent  place  in  the  religious  cult  of  the 


82 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Huichol.  They  may  be  classed  in  the  following  groups  : — 

1.  Ulu'.  — Ceremonial  arrow. 

2.  Neali'ka.  — Front-shield  or  ‘face’  (appearance)  of  the  god.  It  is  round 
in  shape,  but  with  some  deviations.  It  is  made  by  interweaving  pieces  of  split 
bamboo  with  cotton  cord  or  variously  colored  crewels,  symbolic  and  mythological 
figures  being  represented  in  the  weaving. 

3.  Na'ma.  — Back-shield  or  mat  of  the  god.  It  is  rectangular  in  shape,  and 
made  in  the  same  way  as  the  front-shield. 

4.  Ita'li.  — ‘Bed’  of  the  god.  It  is  square,  rectangular,  or  round  in 
shape,  and  made  either  of  pieces  of  split  bamboo  and  twine  of  ixtle  or  of  cotton 
with  wads  of  wool  interwoven,  or  wholly  from  leaves,  grass,  and  ixtle. 

5.  Si'kuli.  — ‘ Eye  ’ of  the  god.  It  is  a cross  interwoven  with  crewel  or 

yarn. 

6.  Ruku'li.  — Votive  bowl.  It  is  the  ordinary  drinking-vessel  adorned  in 
various  ways  to  express  prayer  and  devotion. 

The  Mexicans,  who  have  but  a faint  knowledge  of  these  offerings,  include 
under  the  general  name  chimal  all  woven  ceremonial  objects,  especially  the 
si'kuli. 

The  material  from  which  these  objects  are  made,  excepting  the  arrow,  is  at 
present  seldom  wholly  indigenous.  Cotton-wool  spun  by  the  women  into  thread, 
and  native  dye,  may  be  used  by  the  Huichols  in  the  manufacture  of  their  symbolic 
offerings  ; but  generally  crewels  of  various  colors,  cotton  cord,  glass  beads,  etc., 
are  bought  from  the  Mexicans  for  the  purpose. 

All  these  symbolic  objects  express  prayers  to  the  god  to  whom  they  are 
sacrificed,  for  rain,  health,  luck,  or  other  material  benefits.  At  all  festivals,  es- 
pecially those  for  making  rain,  these  peculiar  offerings  play  a most  important 
part,  and  for  one  or  two  days  before  the  festival,  people  may  be  seen  busily  en- 
gaged preparing  them,  looking  like  so  many  hands  at  a children’s  toy-factory. 

If  the  festival  is  to  be  a tribal  one,  the  objects  are  made  in  the  temple  by 
one  or  two  shamans  and  the  officers  of  the  temple.  If  it  is  to  be  a private  one, 
some  shaman,  assisted  by  another  person  who  may  have  the  required  knowledge, 
is  intrusted  with  their  making.  They  are  then  placed  in  the  temple  or  on  an 
altar,  together  with  the  sacrificial  meat  and  the  shaman’s  plumes,  and  are  after- 
wards deposited  in  the  god-houses  or  in  sacred  caves,  or  in  other  places  devoted 
to  the  worship  of  the  gods  from  whom  favors  have  been  asked.  They  are  first 
smeared  with  a little  blood  of  an  ox  or  a deer. 

Such  symbolic  objects  are  also  made  on  other  occasions  during  the  year,  ac- 
cording to  the  shaman’s  directions,  the  favorite  ones  being  arrows  and  votive 
bowls. 


III.  — CEREMONIAL  ARROWS  (ULU'). 


Ceremonial  arrows  have  the  same  name  as  the  bow-arrows,  namely,  ulu',  and 
they  present  in  general  the  same  characteristics,  but  are  modified  in  regard  to  the 
‘winged’  part,  the  nock,  the  shoulder,  the  thickness  of  the  rearshaft,  etc.  The 
many  attachments  symbolic  of  the  needs  and  wishes  of  the  Indian  form  a prom- 
inent feature  of  these  arrows,  which  is  entirely  missing  in  the  bow-arrow. 


Foreshaft 


Rearshaft 


Winged juzrl 


Sh-outdcr 


Fig.  84.  Nomenclature  of  the  Arrow. 


Aoc/c 


The  same  mystic  power  which  is  attributed  to  the  birds,  whose  locomotion 
is  incomprehensible  to  the  Indian,  is  believed  to  be  possessed  by  both  the  bow- 
arrow  and  the  ceremonial  arrow,  which  are  consequently  considered  as  flying 
birds.  The  ‘ winged  ’ part,  which  is  the  vital  part  or  the  ‘ heart,’  is  adorned  very 
much  in  the  same  way  in  both  kinds  of  arrows,  being  in  most  cases  practically 
identical,  only  the  feathered1  part  of  the  ceremonial  arrow  is  conventionalized, 
and  its  paintings  are  more  elaborate.  A never-failing  feature  on  the  ‘ winged  ’ 
part  of  the  bow-arrow  is  the  painting  of  a broad  colored  transverse  band  decorated 
with  longitudinal  zigzag  lines  alternating  with  longitudinal  parallel  lines.  This 
characteristic  decoration,  which  is  called  a ‘ face  ’ or  ‘ picture  ’ (neali'ka),  is  seldom 
missing  in  the  ceremonial  arrow.  On  the  contrary,  sometimes  there  are  two  and 
even  three  of  them  on  the  same  arrow.  The  zigzags  (suliki'a),  which  represent 
lightning,  are  symbolic  of  the  speed  and  force  of  the  arrow,  and  the  longitudinal 
parallel  lines  are  its  path  (ha'ye). 

The  bow-arrow,  as  one  would  expect,  plays  a most  important  part  in  the  life 
of  the  Huichol,  and  accordingly  also  in  his  myths  and  religious  ideas.  The  po- 
tentiality of  the  gods  is  manifest  in  their  arrows,  which  perform  miraculous 
deeds.  Indeed,  the  arrow  is  a synonyme  of  the  peculiar  powers  of  each  god. 
Thus  the  scorpion,  Tama'ts  [elder  brother]  Tealu'ka,  is  said  to  have  very  sharp 
arrows;  the  rattlesnake  is  considered  as  the  arrow  of  the  Sun  and  of  Elder 
Brother  ; the  meteorites  that  fall  are  the  arrows  of  some  god  that  kills  a 
serpent ; etc.  But  there  was  a time  when  the  arrow  was  not  so  powerful,  i.  e.,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  world,  when  the  gods  had  to  content  themselves  with  very 
poor  arrows,  until  taught  by  Elder  Brother  how  to  make  better  ones.  The  follow- 
ing is  the  myth  concerning  the  arrow  : — 

“ In  the  beginning  there  was  a blue  serpent  called  Hulia'kami.  The  wolf 
was  blue  also,  and  was  called  Samula've.  The  tigfer  was  called  Tata'tali  ; the 

7 o 7 


1 The  ‘ winged’  part  is  not  always  feathered. 

[83] 


84 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


lion,  Ma'ya  yoawi'me.  The  rattlesnake  was  called  Ra'ye  Ta'mai;  the  vulture 
(Sp.  sopilote ),  Ko'ka  Ta'mai. 

“All  the  animal  gods  had  only  Kauyuma'li  arrows,  which  were  not  made  from 
bamboo,  but  from  an  inferior  material  somewhat  resembling  it;  namely,  the  stems 
of  a coarse  grass  called  halio'ki.  The  ancestors  of  the  Huichols  also  made 
arrows  from  another  kind  of  material  before  they  obtained  what  is  used  to-day, 
the  stems  of  a plant  called  wau'la  u'ka  (‘bird-leg’).1 

“ They  could  not  kill  any  deer  with  these  arrows,  and  so  Elder  Brother 
made  some  of  bamboo  reed  for  Grandfather  Fire  and  for  all  the  gods  and  god- 
desses. He  gave  some  to  every  one  of  them.  They  ran  deer,  but  they  killed 
nothing  but  a rabbit.  They  smeared  its  blood  on  their  arrows,  which,  however, 
remained  ugly  and  ineffective  with  that  kind  of  blood.  Then  they  killed  a roe, 
and  nothing  else,  and  with  the  blood  of  this  they  painted  their  arrows,  which 
became  strong  and  good.  Then  they  killed  a large  deer  in  Palia'tsia  ; and  even 
to-day  the  Huichols,  when  they  kill  a deer,  paint  their  ceremonial  arrows,  but 
not  their  bow-arrows,  with  its  blood.” 

Ceremonial  arrows,  a kind  of  messengers  to  the  gods,  are  inseparably  con- 
nected with  the  life  of  the  Huichol.  For  any  event  of  importance  for  which  he 
prepares,  or  that  may  happen,  he  makes  an  arrow,  asking  protection  or  favor 
from  some  god.  His  wife  places  an  arrow  for  the  goddess  of  child-birth  for  safe 
delivery  when  she  is  about  to  have  a baby  ; and  when  the  child  is  born,  the  father 
makes  an  arrow  for  it.  If  the  child  be  a boy,  he  continues  to  make  one  every 
five  years  until  the  son  is  old  enough  to  make  one  for  himself.  If  the  child  be  a 
girl,  the  father  makes  arrows  for  her  until  she  gets  a husband,  who  then  assumes 
this  duty.  When  the  Indian  wants  to  hunt  deer,  till  the  soil,  build  a house, 
marry,  he  has  to  make  an  arrow  to  insure  success  in  his  undertaking.  In  case 
of  sickness  it  is  imperative,  for  regaining  health,  to  have  an  arrow  made  ; and 
when  the  Indian  dies,  an  arrow  is  placed  in  the  house  where  he  died,  that  he  may 
not  come  back  and  disturb  the  surviving  members  of  the  family.  When  the 
shamans  wish  to  practise  witchcraft  and  make  an  enemy  sick,  the  arrow  is  just  as 
indispensable  for  them  as  it  is  for  those  shamans  who  attempt  to  throw  off  the 
spell  of  witchcraft  and  cure  their  subjects.  Therefore  one  or  more  arrows  are 
sacrificed  for  each  individual  at  least  once  a year  throughout  his  life. 

We  find  thus  that  the  arrow  as  an  expression  of  prayer  answers  to  all  the 
wants  of  the  Indian  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  There  is  no  symbolic  object 
in  more  common  use,  either  by  the  private  individual  and  the  family  or  by  the 
community  as  represented  by  the  officers  of  the  temple.  No  feast  can  be  im- 
agined without  the  presence  of  arrows. 

Whenever  an  Indian  wants  to  pray,  his  first  impulse  is  to  make  an  arrow. 

1 Wau'la  is  the  name  of  a certain  wader  with  long,  thin  reddish  legs.  U'ka  is,  strictly  speaking,  the  part  of  the 
‘ leg  ’ from  the  heel  to  the  toe.  The  stems  of  the  plant  have  a certain  resemblance  to  the  legs  of  this  wader,  and, 
besides,  are  of  the  same  reddish  color.  The  flowers,  when  crushed  between  the  hands,  leave  on  them  a yellow  coloring- 
matter,  which  is  sometimes  smeared  on  the  face  for  adornment. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


85 


The  sacrifice  of  one  or  more  arrows  expresses  his  desires  in  a language  intelli- 
gible to  him  and  to  the  gods.  The  gods  themselves  once  wandered  upon  the 
earth  with  bows,  and  quivers  full  of  arrows,  and  found  them  very  useful.  There- 
fore arrows  retain  to-day  their  value  as  ceremonials,  and  through  them  the  Hui- 
chols  talk  to  their  gods,  who  are  considered  the  real  owners  and  masters  of  the 
arrows  that  are  sacrificed  to  them.  A man,  in  making  arrows,  is  also  thought 
to  gain  knowledge  of  all  sacred  matters. 

With  few  exceptions,  such  arrows  have  one  or  more  plumes  or  feathers 
(moye'li)  attached  to  the  ‘ winged  ’ part,  taken  from  the  wing  or  tail  of  the  particular 
birds  of  the  god  implored.  Several  kinds  of  plumes  may  thus  be  found  on  the 
same  arrow.  Besides  adding  to  the  mystic  powers  of  the  arrow,  these  express 
adoration  of  the  god.  In  addition,  the  Indians  very  often  attach  one  or  more 
symbolic  objects,  which  convey  their  prayers  in  a more  concise  form,  in  a lan- 
guage intelligible  not  only  to  the  god,  but  also  to  all  their  countrymen. 

The  most  common  way  of  sacrificing  arrows  is  to  place  them  upright  in  the 
ground.  They  are  also  stuck  into  the  seats  of  the  ceremonial  chairs  in  the  god- 
houses,  and  very  frequently  into  the  straw  roofs  of  these  houses,  inside  of  which 
they  may  be  seen  in  great  numbers.  They  are  deposited  in  all  sacred  caves  and 
all  sacred  spots,  springs,  and  waters  ; in  deep  crevices  of  rocks,  on  mountains,  in 
the  sea  ; in  short,  everywhere  where  some  god  lives  whom  the  imaginative  Hui- 
chol  may  implore  and  appease  ; for  the  arrow  stands  for  him  personally,  or  for  the 
tribe,  praying  its  silent  prayers.  “It  talks  alone,”  to  use  the  Indian  expression, 
without  the  aid  of  the  shaman. 

Every  year  a Huichol  carries  different  ceremonial  arrows  to  various  places 
in  the  country,  as  well  as  outside  of  it,  as  prayers  for  life  and  material  benefits. 
He  carries  them  to  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli  in  the  east  and  to  Mesa  del  Nayarit 
in  the  west,  and  even  deposits  them  in  the  sea.  He  carries  them  south  to 
Laguna  de  Magdalena  in  the  territory  of  Tepic  as  a sacrifice  to  Mother  South- 
Water;  and  he  also  takes  them  up  to  Acaponeta  in  the  northwest,  because  he 
believes  that  Grandfather  Fire  and  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  started  on  their 
journey  there.  Elder  Brother,  who  taught  the  gods  how  to  make  the  right 
kind  of  arrows,  is  implored  for  success  in  arrow-making,  and  a short  arrow  with- 
out any  ‘winged  ’ part,  but  painted,  is  sacrificed  for  the  purpose. 

In  order  to  ascertain  the  meaning  of  the  ceremonial  arrow,  and  if  possible 
find  the  typical  arrow  of  each  god,  I set  to  work  examining  carefully  those  col- 
lected on  my  first  visit  to  the  Huichols.  Each  arrow  was  measured  in  all  its 
details,  and  every  one  of  its  characteristics  minutely  noticed.  In  this  way  eighty- 
five  ceremonial  arrows  were  examined  ; and  the  results,  which  are  instructive  as 
having  a bearing  on  all  ceremonial  arrows,  are  given  below. 

Most  of  them  are  from  the  neighborhood  of  San  Andres,  and  were  taken 
from  the  various  small  god-houses.  Some  are  also  from  sacred  caves  dedicated 


86 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


to  some  special  god.  Others  are  from  the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Catarina, 
having  been  taken  from  similar  localities. 

They  had  been  sacrificed  to  nine  different  gods,  distributed  as  follows  : — 


1.  To  Grandfather  Fire,  9. 

2.  To  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  6. 

3.  To  Father  Sun  (Tayau'),  9. 

4.  To  Elder  Brother,  44. 

5.  To  the  deer  god  in  the  north,  1. 


6.  To  the  deer  god  in  the  south,  1. 

7.  To  the  Corn  Mother,  3. 

8.  To  Mother  East-Water,  7. 

9.  To  Mother  West-Water,  5. 


The  rearshaft  is  generally  of  the  same  thickness  as  that  of  the  bow-arrow, 
but  sometimes  thicker  and  sometimes  thinner. 

The  foreshaft  has  generally  been  made  from  a hard,  light-colored  wood,  but 
sometimes  from  red  Brazil-wood  ; and,  like  the  bow-arrow,  it  is  always  pointed  at 
the  end,  and  has  no  head  or  insertion  nock. 

The  arrows  are  all  of  different  lengths,  none  of  them  quite  as  long  as  the 
bow-arrow,  generally  5 or  6 cm.  shorter,  sometimes  much  shorter.  The  rearshaft 
is  generally  longer  than  the  foreshaft,  but  sometimes  the  reverse  is  the  case. 

Rarely  is  the  upper  part  evenly  cut  off.  This  occurs  in  just  three  of  the 
85  arrows;  namely,  in  one  of  the  god  of  fire,  in  one  of  Great-grandfather  Deer- 
Tail,  and  in  one  of  Mother  East-Water.  The  general  rule  is,  that  the  upper  end 
is  nocked,  but  not  plugged.1  A few  cases  of  plugging,  however,  occur  : viz., 
in  an  arrow  of  Grandfather  Fire,  where  the  plug  is  8.5  cm.  long;  in  one  of 
Father  Sun  ; and  in  three  of  Elder  Brother. 


Fig.  85.  Fig.  86.  Fig.  87. 

Figs.  85  ('30B\),  86  Cm)*  87  (sVa) . Methods  of  winging 
Ceremonial  Arrows. 

way.  Each  feather  is  placed  with 


The  ‘winged’  part  is  differently 
arranged  in  different  arrows.  It  is  al- 
ways painted  with  bands  of  color  ; but 
the  number  of  arrows  that  have  feathers 
on  this  part  is  about  the  same  as  that 
which  have  none.  When  there  are 
feathers,  there  are  either  two  or  three, 
but  all  sorts  of  variations  are  found  as 
to  the  cutting  of  the  vanes  and  binding 
with  sinew.  The  most  common  case 
is  the  following  (Fig.  85)  : The  quills 
of  two  feathers,  placed  opposite  each 
other,  at  about  the  same  place  where 
the  ‘ winged  ’ part  of  the  bow-arrow  is, 
are  bound  round  with  sinew.  The  rest 
of  the  feathers  have  been  left  free,  and 
the  vanes  have  not  been  cut  in  any 
its  upper  side  next  the  rearshaft,  thus 


1 In  all  English  nomenclature,  ‘ footed,’  as  used  by  Mr.  Cushing  in  his  paper  ‘ The  Arrow. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


37 


falling  in  a graceful  curve  to  each  side  of  it.  This  is  the  case  with  nearly 
all  the  arrows  of  Grandfather  Fire,  with  most  of  those  of  Elder  Brother,  with 
half  of  those  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  with  most  of  those  of  the  Corn 
Mother,  with  most  of  those  of  Mother  West-Water,  and  also  with  a few  of  those 
of  Mother  East-Water.  This  way  of  attaching  the  feathers  to  the  ‘winged’  part 
may  therefore  be  considered  as  the  rule  in  ceremonial  arrows.  It  may  be  a ques- 
tion, however,  what  may  be  considered  the  standard,  — this,  or  the  entire  absence 
of  feathers  on  the  ‘winged’  part.  The  cases  in  which  there  are  no  feathers  on 
the  ‘ winged’  part  are  more  frequent  in  the  arrows  of  Father  Sun  and  of  Elder 
Brother. 

As  to  the  variations,  there  is  one  case  where  the  feathers  are  placed  as  just 
described,  except  that  the  under  side  is  put  next  to  the  rearshaft.  There  is 
another  case  where  the  upper  ends  are  tied  to  the  rearshaft ; and  still  another 
where  the  ends  are  left  free,  but  the  tips  have  been  nipped  off. 

Turning  now  to  the  cases  where  three  feathers  are  attached  to  the  ‘ winged  ’ 
part,  we  find  that  they  are  generally  bound  with  sinews  to  the  ‘winged’  part  by 
their  quills,  as  in  the  bow-arrow  ; that  is,  at  both  the  upper  and  lower  ends.  The 
vanes  are  cut,  however,  in  a different  way  from  those  of  the  ordinary  ‘wing’  of 
the  bow-arrow.  They  are  left  intact  for  the  first  half  of  their  length,  while  the 
second  half  is  cut  down  in  the  ordinary  way  of  the  ‘ wing  ’ of  the  bow-arrow.  On 
each  ‘ wing,’  besides,  a small  breadth  of  the  vanes  is  left  towards  the  end,  around 
which  the  sinew  is  also  tied,  leaving  the  vanes  protruding  beyond  the  end  of  the 
arrow  (Fig.  86).  In  one  case  three  feathers  are  bound  to  the  arrow  by  their  quills 
at  the  same  place  where  the  ‘winged’  part  of  the  bow-arrow  would  be.  They 
are  placed  in  the  same  way  as  on  the  bow-arrow,  but  the  ends  are  free,  and  the 
vanes  have  not  been  cut  in  any  way.  There  are  also  cases  of  three  feathers 
being  attached  as  on  the  bow-arrow,  only  the  vanes  have  been  cut  to  a less  ex- 
tent (Fig.  87). 

Grandfather  Fire  has  three  variations  in  the  ‘winged’  part  of  his  arrows; 
Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  three  ; Father  Sun,  three  ; Elder  Brother,  three  ; 
in  the  arrows  of  the  Corn  Mother  there  are  also  three  variations  ; in  those  of 
Mother  East-Water,  four  ; and  in  those  of  Mother  West-Water,  two. 

The  feathers  are  generally  taken  from  the  wing-cover.  In  no  case  is  more 
than  one  kind  of  feather  bound  to  the  ‘winged’  part.  The  feathers  that  have 
been  bound  to  this  part  are  — 

For  Grandfather  Fire,  mostly  macaw,  but  also  hawk. 

For  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  mostly  hawk,  but  also  parrot. 

For  Father  Sun,  hawk. 

For  Elder  Brother,  parrot. 

For  the  deer  god  in  the  north,  hawk. 

For  the  deer  god  in  the  south,  hawk. 

For  the  Corn  Mother,  parrot  and  hawk. 


88 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICFIOL  INDIANS. 


For  Mother  East-Water,  hawk  and  parrot. 

For  Mother  West-Water,  hawk. 

In  regard  to  the  color-bands  and  their  arrangement,  no  definite  rule  can  be 
established.  In  the  arrows  of  Grandfather  Fire,  however,  the  prevailing  color 
seems  to  be  red  ; and  in  those  of  Elder  Brother  and  Mother  East-Water,  blue. 
Still  in  the  arrows  of  both  Grandfather  Fire  and  Mother  East-Water  the  colors 
are  interchanged.  Generally  we  find  on  the  ‘winged’  part  a broad  red  or  a 
broad  blue  band  with  longitudinal  zigzag  markings,  often  intermixed  with  lon- 
gitudinal parallel  lines,  signifying,  as  already  stated,  the  flight  of  the  arrow. 
Above  and  below  this  are  one  or  more  bands.  In  a general  way,  the  same  ar- 
rangement is  found  about  the  middle  of  the  rearshaft.  In  two  cases  (in  the 
arrows  of  the  Corn  Mother  and  Elder  Brother)  the  colors  are  arranged  in  a 
spiral  of  red  and  blue,  that  runs  from  the  top  towards  the  middle  of  the  rear- 
shaft. 

The  colors  employed  were  bought  from  Mexican  stores.  They  are  red,  or 
blue,  or  black  (maybe  black  is  intended  to  represent  blue).  A brown  color  has 
also  sometimes  been  used  as  a substitute  for  red. 

In  most  cases  there  is  no  sinew  at  the  shoulder.  In  a few  instances  where 
there  is  sinew,  three  or  four  longitudinal  stripes  are  painted  underneath  it. 

The  eighty-five  ceremonial  arrows  are  quite  generally  furnished  with  ap- 
pendages of  plumes  or  feathers.  Many,  no  matter  to  what  god  they  may  belong, 
have  no  other  attachment  than  simply  a plume,  and  there  are  a few 
that  have  not  even  that.  Still,  as  a rule,  the  arrows  have  some  kind 
of  attachment  tied  by  a cord  to  the  rearshaft,  generally  to  the  colored 
part  of  it.  Plumes  are  attached  in  the  following  way  (Fig.  88)  : More 
than  half  of  the  quill  is  cut  off  slantingly,  from  the  feathers  down, 
so  as  to  form  a long  point  somewhat  resembling  a toothpick.  This 
long  point  is  doubled  over  at  about  the  middle,  its  end  being  inserted 
in  the  hollow  quill  so  as  to  form  a sort  of  loop,  and  through  this  loop 
a cord  is  tied  by  a simple  but  ingenious  knot. 

The  most  important  appendages,  outside  of  the  plume,  are  front- 
shields  or  ‘ faces  ’ (neali'ka),  back-shields  (na'ma),  some  of  which  are 
also  considered  as  ‘ beds  ’ (ita'li),  and  ‘ eyes  ’ (si'kuli).  When  front- 
toCArrowf.lumes  shields  are  attached  to  the  arrows  of  a god,  blood  is  almost  always 
smeared  on  them.  Blood  is  also  often  seen  on  the  arrows  themselves, 
as  well  as  on  the  plumes,  especially  on  those  of  the  god  of  fire. 

The  following  is  a summary,  in  a general  way,  of  the  attachments  to  the 
eighty-five  arrows  : — 

For  Grandfather  Fire,  one  or  more  feathers  from  tachments  consist  of  sandals,  hawk-feathers, 

the  macaw  or  hawk,  also  one  or  more  front  or  shields,  bows,  and  paper  flowers, 

back  shields.  For  Father  Sun,  generally  shields,  also  hawk- 

For  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  there  are  as  feathers,  and  in  one  case  sandals  (Mex.  Sp. 
many  with  attachments  as  without.  The  at-  guaraches). 


Fig.  88. 
Method  of  at- 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


89 


For  Elder  Brother,  shields,  diminutive  bows,  For  the  Corn  Mother,  hawk-feathers,  diminutive 
tobacco-gourds,  diminutive  snares  (Sp.  lazo),  bows,  ‘eyes,’  shields,  and  turkey-buzzard 
wristlets,  hawk-feathers,  diminutive  drums,  feathers. 

bits  of  textile  (generally  of  ixtle,  but  also  of  For  Mother  East-Water,  shields,  ceremonial 
wool),  and  ‘ eyes.’  tamales , ‘ beds.’ 

For  the  deer  god  in  the  north,  and  the  deer  god  For  Mother  West-Water,  shields,  hawk-feathers, 
in  the  south,  a hawk-feather.  macaw-feathers. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  hawk-feathers  and  front  or  back  shields  have  been 
attached  to  nearly  all  of  them,  the  hawk-feathers  predominating  on  the  arrows 
of  Grandfather  Fire,  and  the  shields  on  those  of  Mother  East-Water. 

Attachments  of  diminutive  sandals  sometimes  represent  the  god,  sometimes 
the  person.  ‘ Eyes  ’ represent  the  god.  The  diminutive  bow  represents  the 
supplicant.  The  diminutive  tobacco-pouch,  wristlet,  and  snare  stand  especially 
for  the  hunter  and  the  hi'kuli-seeker. 

The  foregoing,  then,  is  a summary  review  of  the  eighty-five  arrows.  There 
is  not  much  more  to  add  about  the  general  characteristics  of  those  collected  on 
the  second  visit  to  the  tribe.  The  material  and  make  are  the  same.  The  vari- 
ability in  features  is  also  the  same  in  regard  to  the  length  of  the  arrow  and  the 
proportionate  length  of  the  rearshaft  and  foreshaft,  as  to  the  thickness  of  either, 
as  to  whether  the  arrow  is  nocked  and  plugged  or  not,  the  arrangement  of  the 
feathers  on  the  1 winged  ’ part  and  its  paintings,  the  sinew  at  the  shoulder  or  the 
absence  of  any,  and  so  on.  Additional  variations  observed  are  as  follows  : In  a 
few  specimens  are  two  ‘winged’  parts,  both  feathered,  with  two  ceremonial  ob- 
jects attached  to  each;  in  one  specimen  the  ‘winged’  part  consists  of  four 
feathers  (two  parrot  and  two  hawk)  arranged  in  two  diametrically  opposite  pairs, 
and  surrounded  with  hair  from  the  tail  of  a deer,  all  tied  by  the  same  sinew,  like 
a bouquet  of  flowers  ; on  one  of  the  ceremonial  arrows  sacrificed  to  Grandfather 
Fire,  as  a prayer  for  the  health  of  a boy,  instead  of  the  usual  zigzag  lines,  a 
human  figure  intended  to  represent  the  god  himself  has  been  painted.  It  should 
be  taken  into  consideration  that  the  singing  shaman,  who  often  directs  the  mak- 
ing of  ceremonial  arrows  and  the  arrangement  of  the  attachments,  may  make 
exceptions  to  the  general  rules  according  to  dreams  that  he  has  had.  He  may, 
for  instance,  order  parrot-feathers  to  be  used,  instead  of  hawk-feathers,  on  the 
arrows  of  the  god  of  fire,  and  may  make  many  unexpected  changes  from  the 
general  rule,  not  only  in  regard  to  arrows,  but  in  regard  to  all  ceremonial  objects. 
A few  ceremonial  arrows  are  so  conventionalized  as  to  consist  of  one  stick  only 
without  any  division  between  foreshaft  and  rearshaft. 

All  these  variations  of  the  arrow,  and  the  impossibility  of  finding  a typical 
ceremonial  arrow,  make  it  clear  that  the  ceremonial  arrow  is  personal,  and  con- 
firm the  conclusion  reached  by  Cushing,  than  whom  there  is  no  greater  authority 
on  this  topic.  I understand  that  a paper  by  him  on  the  ceremonial  arrow  — a 
sequel  to  that  on  the  bow-arrow  — is  shortly  to  appear,  which  will  fully  explain 


9° 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


the  meaning  of  this  ceremonial  as  he  observed  it  among  the  Zuni  and  other  tribes. 
Meanwhile  he  has  kindly  furnished  me  with  the  following  passages  : — 

“ The  ceremonial  arrows,  war-clubs,  and  other  weapons  of  a purely  ceremo- 
nial nature,  must  with  these  people  always  be  adapted  to  the  size  of  one  or  another 
of  the  members  of  the  body  of  the  one  who  makes  and  uses  or  sacrifices  them. 
For  example,  the  arrow  of  a short  man,  since  its  shaft  corresponds  to  the  length 
of  his  right  or  left  arm,  and  its  shaftment  [‘  winged  ’ part]  to  the  spread  or  span  of 
his  fingers,  will  be  shorter  than  the  arrow  of  the  same  god,  made  by  a taller  or 
longer-armed  man.  Also  a ceremonial  tablet  or  war-club,  especially,  will  corre- 
spond always  in  length,  if  for  use  in  striking  sideways  instead  of  endwise,  to  the 
femur  of  the  man  who  makes  it. 

“ All  ceremonial  arrows  are  personal,  except  the  tribal  arrows,  which  are 
made  for  the  tribe  (and  even  these  are  vicariously  personal,  so  to  say)  by  the 
chief  shaman  of  the  god  for  whom  they  are  designed.” 

In  regard  to  the  colors  applied  to  the  arrows,  and  their  meaning,  I am  able 
to  reproduce  specimens  that  will  throw  considerable  light  on  this  little-known 
subject.  It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  gain  any  knowledge  from  the  Indians 
on  this  point,  as  they  have  an  almost  inexplicable  aversion  to  giving  information 
about  their  arrows.  The  specimens  shown  in  Plate  III,  Pigs,  i — 8,  were  made  by 
one  man,  a young  shaman  in  Santa  Catarina,  who  had  just  finished  them  for  his 
own  use.  They  were  probably  intended  to  be  feathered.  The  decorations 
peculiar  to  each  god  are  plainly  shown,  and  may  be  accepted  as  typical  patterns, 
all  ceremonial  arrows  agreeing  essentially  with  these.  They  belong  respectively 
to  (i)  Grandfather  Fire,  (2)  Father  Sun  (Tayau'),  (3)  the  Setting  Sun  (Sakai- 
mo'ka),  (4)  Elder  Brother,  (5)  the  Corn  Mother,  (6)  Mother  East-Water,  (7) 
Mother  West-Water,  and  (8)  Haita'neka.  The  last  word  means  a high  pine- 
tree,  but  which  god  is  meant  I do  not  know  for  certain,  although  probably  it  is 
Ivauyuma'li.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  some  of  the  gods  are  pine-trees. 
There  are  three  ‘brother  pine-trees.’  The  oldest  is  Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke, 
the  next  is  Tama'ts  Kauyuma'li,  and  the  youngest  is  Tama'ts  Palisi'ke.  Tama'ts 
Kauyuma'li  is  Ho'ko  Uima'li  (‘female  pine,’  literally  ‘young  girl  pine’). 
Further,  the  hawk  Piwa'mi,  mentioned  on  several  occasions,  is  also  a pine-tree. 

I would  ask  the  reader  to  compare  these  arrows  with  the  five  arrows  pictured 
in  Plate  IV,  Figs.  1-5.  These  were  made  for  me  on  another  occasion  by 
other  Indians,  to  serve  the  purpose  of  holding  the  strings  of  curious  ceremonial 
cakes  which  are  seen  attached  to  them.  The  cakes,  which  have  different  colors 
according  to  the  god  to  whom  they  are  dedicated,  were  first  procured  by  me,  and 
afterwards  I succeeded  in  getting  from  different  makers  the  proper  arrows  for 
the  gfod  and  his  cakes.  The  strings  of  cakes  are  to  be  considered  as  the  neck- 
laces  of  the  respective  gods,  and  the  name  of  such  an  arrow  is  ulu'  kokai'ya. 
The  cakes  will  be  described  in  detail  at  their  proper  place  (p.  179).  By  compar- 
ing now  the  decorations  on  the  former  arrows  with  those  here  presented,  it  will 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


91 


be  seen  that  they  agree  in  all  essential  points.  Fig.  1,  the  arrow  of  Grand- 
father Fire,  is  feathered  with  parrot-feathers  ; Fig.  2,  an  arrow  of  Father  Sun 
(Tayau'),  with  hawk-feathers  ; Fig.  3,  an  arrow  of  Elder  Brother,  with  parrot- 
feathers  ; Fig.  4,  an  arrow  of  the  Corn  Mother,  with  macaw-feathers  ; Fig.  5, 
an  arrow  of  Mother  East-Water,  with  hawk-feathers. 

Further  light  is  thrown  on  the  subject  by  five  arrows  which  I bought  from 
another  shaman  friend  of  mine  who  lives  near  Santa  Catarina.  They  are  arrows 
made  by  the  Coras,  which  he  had  brought  from  Mesa  del  Nayarit  in  exchange  for 
some  that  he  had  made  himself.  It  is  a custom  among  the  Huichols  every  year 
in  the  month  of  October  to  make  an  exchange  of  ceremonial  arrows  in  the  sacred 
cave  of  Mesa  del  Nayarit.  The  Huichols  bring  arrows  of  various  gods  and 
deposit  them  in  the  sacred  cave  of  the  Setting  Sun,  helping  themselves  at  the 
same  time  to  arrows  that  have  been  placed  there  by  the  Coras.  These  arrows  are 
afterwards  kept  in  the  private  god-houses,  and  are  supposed  to  bring  special  luck 
in  killing  deer.  When  needed,  they  are  taken  out  into  the  field  where  the  hunt 
is  to  be.  In  Plate  III,  Figs.  9-13,  are  reproduced  the  five  arrows,  without 
further  comment  than  that  furnished  by  the  shaman,  which  I give  below.  As 
will  be  noticed,  the  ‘winged’  part  on  all  of  them  is  unusually  elaborate,  consisting 
of  three  decorative  sections  (neali'ka)  which  cover  nearly  the  whole  rearshaft.  It 
is  in  reality  a triple  ‘winged’  part,  but  only  the  top  one  is  feathered. 

1.  Arrow  of  Grandfather  Fire  ( Tate'vali  iilu' ) , Plate  III,  Fig.  9.  — The 
upper  and  the  lower  sections,  which  are  dark  blue,  represent  the  sparks  of  Grand- 
father Fire  (Tate'vali  urai'ya).  The  middle  one,  of  the  same  color,  represents 
his  wristlet  (Tate'vali  matzu'wa). 

2.  Arrow  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau’  iilu'),  Plate  III,  Fig.  10.  — The  upper 
and  lower  sections,  which  are  red,  are  called  ruriki'a,  and  represent  prayers  for 
life.  The  middle  one  is  green,  and  probably  represents  hi'kuli. 

3.  Arrow  of  the  Setting  Sun  ( Sakaimo' ka  iilu  ) , Plate  III,  Fig.  11.  — All 
the  sections  here  are  west  (so'tega).  The  middle  one,  which  consists  of  four 
longitudinal  stripes, — two  green  and  two  red,  in  alternate  succession,  — repre- 
sents a wristlet.  The  upper  section  is  blue,  and  the  lower  green. 

4.  Arrow  of  Elder  Brother  ( Tama' ts  Pa! likS  Tamoye'  k&  iilu'),  Plate  III, 
Fig.  12.  — The  upper  section  is  red,  and  signifies  blood  of  the  deer  (ruli'a). 
The  two  lower  sections,  which  are  green,  signify  hi'kuli. 

5.  Arrow  of  Mother  West- Water  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ka  iilu'),  Plate  III, 
Fig.  13.  — The  upper  section,  which  is  red,  is  east  (ira'ta).  The  next,  which  is 
green,  is  the  middle  region  (hiru'apa).  The  lower,  which  is  red,  is  west  (so'tega). 

The  significance  of  the  colors  given  above  speaks  for  itself.  I consider 
ruriki'a  in  the  second  arrow,  and  ruli'a  in  the  fourth,  practically  identical. 

Following  are  some  examples  of  ceremonial  arrows.  They  might  be 
greatly  multiplied,  but  this  would  add  nothing  new  as  to  general  features.  Nearly 


92 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


all  symbolic  objects  may  be  attached,  and  in  the  way  most  convenient,  as 
evidenced  by  the  illustrations,  but  generally  they  are  tied  on  by  a twine  of  fibre, 
cotton  cord,  or  crewel.  As  regards  woven  ceremonials,  in  most  cases  a free  end 
of  the  material  used  in  the  weaving  is  employed  for  the  purpose.  It  is  evident 
that  no  importance  is  attached  by  the  Indian  to  the  way  in  which  the  figures, 
human  or  animal,  so  often  appearing  in  the  woven  ceremonials,  hang,  whether 
upside  down  or  not.  Diminutive  bows  and  snares  are  often  slipped  over  the 
arrow.  The  attachments  are  all  fastened  to  the  ‘winged’  part,  so  far  as  this  is 
possible,  and  both  the  arrow  and  the  attachments  are  smeared  with  the  blood  of 
an  ox  or  a deer  before  being  deposited.  In  all  cases  where  no  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  the  symbolic  object  is  given,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  special  section 
treating  of  it. 


Arrows  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Tate'vali  Olu').  — There  are  five  of  these, 
all  from  the  little  temple  of  this  deity  in  Teaka'ta  : — 

i.  One  (Fig.  89)  has  five  plumes  attached  to  it, — two  macaw  and  three 
hawk  feathers,  — each  tied  on  separately.  It  is  a prayer  for  health  and  luck. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


93 


2.  Another  (Fig.  90)  has  two  attachments.  One  is  a small  gourd,  which  is 
too  diminutive  for  actual  use,  but  represents  the  hi'kuli-seeker’s  tobacco-gourd. 
An  opening  has  been  cut  in  the  top,  but  there  is  no  stopper.  Twine  strings 
are  attached  to  the  gourd  in  the  same  way  as  those  of  tobacco-gourds  in  use. 
The  other  attachment  is  a back-shield  (Tate'vali  na'ma),  which  has  been  strung 
on  in  an  exceptional  way,  being  attached  to  the  two  strings  that  attach  the 
gourd.  The  figures  on  the  back-shield,  which  are  red,  green,  and  blue,  represent 
hi'kuli.  The  arrow  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  raising  squash-plants  to  furnish  tobacco- 
gourds,  symbolized  by  the  gourd,  and  for  luck  in  planting  corn,  symbolized  by  the 
hi'kuli  figured  on  the  back-shield. 

o 


3.  A third  (Fig.  91)  is  unusually  small,  its  size  bearing  some  relation,  perhaps, 
to  the  size  of  the  supplicant,  who  was  a little  boy.  A macaw-feather  is  attached 
to  it,  as  well  as  a back-shield-' bed  ’ (na'ma-ita'li).  The  latter  is  a rectangular 
piece  of  woollen  textile  woven  for  the  purpose  ; and  a human  figure,  supposed  to 
be  a picture  of  the  boy  (nono'tsi  [baby]  neali'ka),  is  embroidered  on  it  in  red 
crewel.  The  arrow  is  a prayer  for  the  health  of  the  boy,  who  was  sick. 

4.  On  another  (Fig.  92)  is  an  interesting  attachment  in  the 
form  of  a piece  of  woollen  textile,  which  again  is  attached  to  a 
stick  called  kwitevo'  (see  p.  1 5 1 ).  The  arrow  is  stuck  through 
the  attachment,  on  which  is  embroidered  in  blue  the  figure  of  a 
woman,  the  cross  on  the  body  being,  according  to  my  Indian 
informant,  the  heart.  The  prayer  expressed  is,  that  the  suppli- 
cant, the  human  figure  on  the  textile,  may  have  a child. 

5.  The  fifth  (Fig.  93)  was  deposited  by  a sorcerer  in  order  to 
cause  the  death  of  a man.  It  has  two  ‘ winged  ’ parts,  both  feath- 
ered ; but  its  most  striking  feature  is  the  way  in  which  the  feath- 
ers are  arranged.  Two  vanes  are  attached  to  each  ‘winged’ 
part,  all  of  the  same  kind  of  feather.  At  either  place  they  are 
tied  to  the  arrow  by  sinew  over  their  quills,  as  in  the  bow-arrow  ; 

but  the  vane  has  been  left  free,  and  not 
cut  in  any  way,  the  vanes  of  the  upper 
‘ winged’  part  pointing  towards  those  of 
the  lower  ‘winged’  part.  The  plane  of 
the  upper  pair  of  vanes  intersects  at 
right  angles  with  that  of  the  lower 
vanes.  A back-shield  of  the  god 
(Tate'vali  na'ma)  is  hung  to  the  lower 
‘ winged  ’ part.  On  it  is  a picture  of 
two  deer-horns  in  red.  To  the  same 
‘winged’  part  is  also  hung  a diminutive 
bow.  The  supplicant  implores  Grandfather  Fire  for  aid  in  injuring  his  victim, 
whom  in  his  mind  he  wishes  to  hit  with  the  arrow,  which  is  symbolically  hurled 
at  him  by  the  bow  attached. 


Fig.  93  Ciliy).  Arrow  and  ‘ Eye  ’ of  Grandfather  Fire.  (Length 
of  arrow,  57.5  cm.  ; of  ‘ eye,’  18  cm.) 


94 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


To  the  arrow  belongs  an  ‘eye’  (Tate'vali  si'kuli),  which  had  been  placed 
upright  in  the  ground  alongside  of  it.  The  central  part  of  the  ‘ eye  ’ is  open.  The 
colors  are,  beginning  with  the  inner  section,  blue,  white,  and  black,  which  succession 
of  colors  is  once  repeated.  A unique  feature  of  the  ‘eye’  is  that  five  pieces  of 
vanes  are  stitched  to  one  side  of  it,  adding  to  its  mystic  powers.  They  are  the 
basal  portions  of  five  feathers,  from  which  one  vane  has  been  removed  by  dividing 
the  feathers  along  the  middle  of  the  shaft.  Three  of  them  are  from  the  macaw, 
and  two  from  a hawk.  The  ‘eye’  emphasizes  the  supplicant’s  prayers,  asking 
that  Grandfather  Fire  may  keep  close  watch  of  the  man’s  adversary,  that  he  may 
not  escape  destruction,  or,  as  the  Indian  expresses  it,  that  his  ‘heart  may  become 
pinched,’  and  his  death  soon  follow. 

Arrows  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  (Tato'tsi  Ma'ra  Kwa'ri  Ulu'). 
— There  are  two  of  these,  both  taken  from  his  god-house  in  Teaka'ta. 

i.  One  (Fig.  94)  has  two  attachments, — a 
netted  shield  and  a paper  flower.  The  former  con- 
sists of  a slender  twig  formed  into  a hoop  about 
9 cm.  in  diameter.  This  hoop  is  wound  round  with 
red  crewel,  and  crocheted  in  cobweb  fashion  with 
cotton  cord  and  red  and  blue  crewel,  an  opening 
being  left  in  the  centre.  The  colors  are,  going 
from  the  centre  towards  the  edge,  blue,  red,  and 
white.  The  netted  shield,  which  is  an  important 
symbolic  object,  represents  a snare  for  killing  deer, 
therefore  it  is  called  ma'ra  neali'ka  (‘face’  or  ‘as- 
pect ’ of  the  deer),  or  it  is  more  specially  named 
after  those  gods  who  are  prominently  deer.  Thus 
this  is  Tato'tsi  neali'ka.  Other  netted  shields 
belong  to  Grandfather  Fire  and  Elder  Brother. 
When  the  Indian  prays  for  luck  in  catching  deer  in 
the  middle  of  the  day,  he  places  a netted  shield  in 
a votive  bowl.  It  is  then  called  wu'tali,  and  is 
thought  to  be  instrumental  in  calling  and  snaring 
the  deer.  The  flower  is  one  of  the  ordinary  paper 
flowers  used  by  the  Mexicans  in  adorning  their 
saints  and  churches,  and  is  blue  and  reddish  in 
color.  Possibly  it  represents  the  tobacco-flower, 
as  sacred  tobacco  plays  an  important  part  in  the 
cult  of  hi'kuli,  of  which  this  god  is  the  patron. 

i igs.  94  vgoCN  'TC4C/*  . 

grandfather  Deer-Taii.  (Length  0/  arrows,  68  i he  arrow,  whose  toreshatt  is  smeared  with  much 

and  49  cm.  ; diameter  of  netted  shields,  9.5  and 

8cm°  blood,  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  deer. 

2.  The  other  (Fig.  95)  is  decorated  on  its  ‘winged’  part  in  a somewhat 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


95 


unusual  way  ; viz.,  by  a long  red  stripe  and  an  equally  long  black  stripe  on  diametri- 
cally opposite  sides,  the  space  between  them  being  left  uncolored.  Both  stripes 
are  adorned  with  zigzag  lines  in  the  ordinary  way.  There  is  an  attachment  of  a 
macaw-feather  and  one  of  a netted  shield,  the  colors  in  the  latter  being,  from  the 
centre  outwards,  red,  blue,  green,  yellow,  dark  green.  The  arrow  is  a prayer  for 
luck  in  killing  deer. 

o 


Arrows  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  Ulu').  — These 
are  very  numerous,  and  the  different  prayers  which  they  express  are  quite  dis- 
tinct. I have  selected  nine  specimens  for  illustration. 

i.  In  Fig.  96  is  one  from  the  god-house  of  this  deity  near 
the  temple  of  Guayavas,  near  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres.  It 
has  four  attachments,  two  of  them  being  snares  of  the  deer. 

One  is  a diminutive  snare  of  the  same  material  as  the  real 
snare,  and  corresponding  to  it  in  every  way.  It  is  even  folded 
up  in  the  same  way  as  the  ordinary  snares  are  found  stored  in 
the  small  god-houses  of  the  ranches.  A snare  is  always  con- 
sidered as  the  ‘face’  or  ‘aspect’  (neali'ka)  of  the  deer,  or,  in 
other  words,  of  the  deer  god  in  question,  and  it  is  therefore 
here  the  ‘face’  of  Elder  Brother.  To  the  ‘winged’  part  an- 
other snare  is  attached,  which  is  more  complete.  It  is  a square 
composed  of  four  pieces  of  hollow  reed  of  about  equal  length 
(5  cm.),  cut  off  even,  and  strung  on  a string  of  ixtle.  One 
side  of  the  square  is  tied  firmly  to  the  rearshaft  by  a twine  of 
ixtle.  These  four  reeds  are  painted  with  dark-blue  longitudinal 
zigzag  lines,  the  ends  being  left  unpainted.  In  other  words, 
they  are  so  many  ‘ winged  ’ parts  of  the  arrow  of  Elder  Brother, 
whose  color  is  always  dark  blue.  A diminutive  snare  ready  for 
use  is  tied  to  the  arrow  just  above  the  square.  It  hangs  open 
in  the  square.  This  is  in  imitation  of  the  manner  of  setting 
snares  in  the  held.  They  form  a square,  either  between  two 
bushes  which  stand  on  either  side  of  a deer-track,  or  between 
two  poles.  One  end  of  the  snare  is  firmly  tied  to  a tree  (the 
place  of  which  is  taken  in  the  present  instance  by  the  rearshaft 
of  the  ceremonial  arrow),  and  the  snare  itself  is  set  by  tying  it 
to  various  places  on  the  surrounding  sticks  or  bushes.  It  is 
significant  that  the  square  is  composed  of  ‘winged’  parts, 
which  is  the  vital  part  of  the  arrow,  symbolizing  death  to  the 
deer.  The  square  itself,  even  if  there  is  no  snare  attached  to  it,  becomes  in  the 
Huichol  conception  a symbol  for  a' snare,  and  is  also  called  ‘face’  or  ‘aspect’ 
(neali'ka)  of  the  deer.  Generally  but  three  reeds  of  the  same  description  suffice 
to  make  it  a snare  ( cf . Figs.  109,  150).  Then  there  is  a diminutive  bow  strung 
to  the  end  of  the  string  by  which  the  snare  is  attached,  and  to  the  foreshaft  below. 


Fig-  96  (ijV)- 

Elder  Brother. 
58  cm.) 


Arrow  of 
(Length, 


96 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


This  diminutive  bow  is  26  cm.  long,  made  from  Brazil-wood,  and  provided  with 
a bowstring  of  twine  of  ixtle,  attached  to  the  bow  in  the  same  way  as  on  the  real 
bow.  To  the  upper  part  of  the  rearshaft  is  strung  another  diminutive  bow  16  cm. 
long,  the  material  being  bamboo,  and  the  string  being  attached  in  the  same  way. 
The  arrow  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  deer  by  snaring  and  shooting. 


Fig.  97-  Fig.  98.  Fig.  99. 


Fig.  97  (tOIs)-  Arrow  of  Elder  Brother.  (Diam.  of  front-shield,  9.5  cm.) 

Fig.  98  (ills).  Arrow  of  Elder  Brother.  (Length  of  loop,  2 cm.) 

Fig.  99  (i|§g).  Arrow  of  Elder  Brother.  (Length  of  sandal,  13  cm.) 

2.  Another  from  the  same  locality  is  seen  in  Fig.  97.  It  is  somewhat 
damaged,  the  foreshaft  having  been  lost ; but  it  presents  some  interest,  espe- 
cially in  regard  to  its  ‘winged’  part,  which  consists  of  two  parrot-feathers  and  two 
hawk-feathers  alternating,  placed  with  their  upper  sides  next  to  the  arrow,  and 
tied  by  their  quills  in  the  usual  way.  Hairs  from  the  tail  of  a deer  are  tied 
round  outside  of  the  feathers.  It  will  be  remembered  that  not  only  are  deer- 
antlers  plumes,  but  also  the  deer  himself ; and  here  is  a striking  illustration  of 
the  conception  of  the  animal,  his  hair  being  employed  in  the  place  of  feathers.1 

1 The  name  of  deer-hair  when  thus  used  is  ‘ mapama/ri.  ’ As  the  hairs  are  white,  they  serve  in  other  cases  as 
kupu'ri  (‘  cotton-wool’)  under  the  same  name,  1 mapama/ri.’  There  is  in  the  collection  an  arrow  to  which  is  tied,  in- 
stead of  a plume,  a tuft  of  deer-hair  still  attached  to  the  skin  (see  p.  21). 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


97 


There  are  also  four  hawk-feathers  attached,  all  of  different  species.  The  upper- 
most is  from  the  Piwa'mi  ; the  second  from  the  red-tailed  hawk  ; the  third  from 
the  Wi'tsi  ; and  the  last  from  the  Ra'tu.  All  these  help  in  killing  deer.  Two 
diminutive  folded  snares  are  attached,  and  finally  a ceremonial  front-shield.  The 
name  of  the  last  is  Hai'kuli  [whirlwind]  neali'ka.  The  central  part  and  the  edge 
are  white  ; and  between  these  two  there  is  a zone  containing  various  ’colors,  the 
main  colors  being  red  and  blue  in  alternate  radial  sections.  At  the  inner  edge  of 
this  zone  may  be  noticed  some  green  color.  The  ceremonial  shield,  which  is 
that  of  Elder  Brother,  identifies  the  god  as  the  whirlwind,  which  among  the 
Huichols  is  not  bad,  as  it  helps  them  to  walk.  The  arrow  is  a prayer  for  good 

luck  in  killing-  deer. 

<_> 

3.  The  next  specimen  (Fig.  98)  was  taken  from  the  sacred  spring  of  the 
god  in  Teaka'ta.  It  has  three  attachments, — an  ‘eye,’  a wristlet,  and  a loop 
made  from  a string  of  red  beads.  The  last-named  is  considered  as  a neali'ka. 
It  expresses  that  the  deer  is  surrounded  by  blood,  and  symbolizes  a prayer  that 
the  supplicant  may  not  err  when  shooting.  The  wristlet  shows  him  as  a hunter  ; 
and  the  ‘eye’  is  a prayer  that  the  god  may  watch  over  him,  so  that  he  may  be 
successful  on  the  hunt,  which  is  the  general  prayer  of  the  whole  arrow. 

4.  This  (Fig.  99)  is  from  the  god-house  in  Teaka'ta.  It  has  two  attach- 
ments. One  is  a small  rectangular  textile  of  wool  made  for  the  purpose,  on 
which  the  figure  of  a man  is  embroidered  in  black.  This  figure  is  called  Tate'vali 
neali'ka  (‘picture  of  Grandfather  Fire’),  but  it  is  meant  to  represent  the  shaman 
who  placed  the  arrow.  The  other  attachment  is  a pair  of  sandals  made  from 
twisted  strips  of  palm-leaf.  These  represent  the  sandals  of  ancient  pattern  (Figs. 
246,  247)  which  the  shamans  put  on  at  the  feast  of  tamales  de  maiz  crudo.  The 
prayer  expressed  by  the  arrow  is  that  the  shaman  may  have  good  luck  in  singing 
at  that  feast. 

5.  A fifth  specimen  (Fig.  100)  is  from  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother  near 

the  temple  of  Guayavas,  near  San  Andres.  It  has  four  attachments,  — two 
‘beds’  and  two  ‘eyes.’  One  ‘bed’  is  a rectangular  piece  of  coarsely  woven  ixtle, 
made  for  the  purpose.  It  is  fastened  to  the  rearshaft  of  the  arrow,  the  latter 
being  stuck  through  loops  left  at  the  ends  of  the  weaving.  The  other  is  a 
rectangular  piece  of  cotton-cloth  of  about  the  same  size,  attached  at  the  shoulder, 
the  arrow  having  been  stuck  through  a corner  of  the  cloth  for  the  purpose. 
The  latter  form  of  ‘bed’  is  comparatively  rare,  and  is  of  recent  introduction 
through  the  acquirement  of  cotton-cloth.  It  is  expressive  of  the  same  thought 
as  that  given  by  the  loose  textile  ; namely,  that  it  is  a bed,  in  this  case  the  bed 
of  a child,  which  is  presented  to  the  god  as  a representative  of  the  child  itself. 
The  colors  in  one  ‘eye’  are,  beginning  at  the  centre,  white,  blue,  and  red  ; and  in 
the  other,  red  and  white.  The  meaning  of  the  ‘eye’  is  the  usual  one,  that  the 
god  may  keep  his  eye  on  the  supplicant.  Every  year  in  the  beginning  of  the 

wet  season,  from  April  to  May,  children  under  five  years  of  age  have  their 


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LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


arrows  brought  to  the  god-houses  of  Elder  Brother,  Father  Sun  (Tave'rika),  and 
Mother  East-Water,  asking  them  for  health.  Such  arrows  always  have  at  least 
attachments  of  loose  textiles  of  ixtle  like  that  just  described.  The  fact  that 
there  are  two  ‘beds’  and  two  ‘eyes’  shows  that  the  Indian,  for  some  reason 
known  only  to  himself,  placed  the  prayers  for  his  two  children  on  one  arrow,  and 
it  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  they  are  twins. 


6,  7,  8.  The  next  three  arrows  (Figs.  101-103)  are  from  the  same  place  as 
the  preceding  specimen.  They  represent  a numerous  group  of  arrows  belonging 
to  Elder  Brother,  which  are  intended  to  secure  luck  in  handiwork.  No  woman 
ever  undertakes  any  kind  of  handiwork  without  first  asking  luck  in  doing  it,  and 
the  commonest  way  is  to  make  what  is  called  a kau're  (a  piece  of  woollen  textile, 
generally  with  some  emblematic  design  in  the  weaving),  place  it  on  an  arrow,  and 
leave  it  in  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother.  Sometimes  the  kau're  may  actually 
be  considered  as  a sample  of  what  she  is  going  to  do,  as  shown  in  Fig.  103. 
The  textile  shown  in  Fig.  101  is  plain  white.  On  that  represented  in  Fig.  102 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


99 


there  is  woven  a female  figure.  Both  express  prayers  for  luck  in  textile  work, 
such  as  making  pouches,  or  girdles,  or  clothing.  In  the  latter  specimen  the 
supplicant  makes  her  prayer  more  emphatic  by  placing  her  own  picture  on  it. 

9.  The  last  arrow  of  this  god  (Fig.  104),  which  is  from  the  goddiouse 
in  Teaka'ta,  is  specially  instructive.  It  has  five  attachments.  First  is  a back- 
shield  on  which  are  represented  the  designs  on  the  back  of  a serpent,  probably 
H a'tsi,  It  is  a back-shield  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  na'ma), 
who  has  at  his  disposal  serpents  which  bring  luck  in  handiwork  to  women  who 
stroke  them  (cf  p.  36).  The  back-shield  expresses  a prayer  for  luck  in  making 
a girdle  ; but  the  woman  has  other  wishes  besides.  She  is  a lone  woman,  and 
cannot  make  her  arrow  herself,  therefore  she  takes  the  opportunity,  when  making 
this  offering,  to  express  to  the  god  all  that  is  uppermost  in  her  mind.  To  the 
string  attaching  the  back-shield  is  fastened  a wad  of  cotton-wool,  which  ex- 
presses a prayer  for  health.  Two  small  sandals  in  wax,  one  little  oval  lump 
of  beeswax  representing  a tobacco-pouch,  and  one  netted  shield  in  black  yarn, 
form  the  rest  of  the  attachments,  and  symbolize  the  following  prayer:  that  the 
supplicant  may  have  a husband  (the  sandals),  and  that  she  may  have  a son 
who  will  become  a singing  shaman  (the  tobacco-gourd,  cf.  p.  190).  and  catch  deer 
(the  netted  shield,  cf.  p.  94). 

Arrows  of  the  Corn  Mother  (Tate'  Otegana'ka  Ulu').  — There  are  three 
of  these  which  have  been  selected  for  mention. 

1.  The  first  (Fig.  105)  is  from  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Catarina.  To  it  are 
attached  three  wing-feathers  of  the  turkey-buzzard  (Sp.  aura ) and  a small  front- 
shield.  The  latter  is  made  in  a rather  peculiar  way  ; namely,  by  fastening  a coil 
of  crewel  to  each  side  of  a disk  of  beeswax,  a hole  being  left  in  the  centre.  The 
crewel  is  of  various  colors, — on  one  side,  innermost  red,  then  white,  then  blue  ; 
on  the  other  side,  innermost  blue,  then  white.  It  is  a prayer  for  corn. 

2.  The  second  (Fig.  106)  has  an  unusual  attachment,  — a stool  (Tate' 
Otegana'ka  u'pali),  through  the  loosely  woven  seat  of  which  the  arrow  is  stuck. 
The  seat  is  made  of  white  cotton  cord  and  thin  black  crewel.  Most  of  it  is 
cotton  cord,  the  black  forming  two  parallel  stripes.  The  arrow  is  a prayer 
for  health,  emphasized  by  the  white  color  of  the  stool.  There  are  instances 
where  tamales  (Fig.  241)  are  attached  to  the  arrows  of  this  goddess  as  a request 
for  plenty  of  food. 

3.  Another  arrow,  not  pictured,  has  the  royal  eagle  (Ve'lika  Uima'li)  em- 
broidered on  a votive  scrap  attached  to  it. 

Arrows  of  Mother  East-Water  (Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  Ulu'). — These 
arrows  generally  represent  prayers  not  only  for  life  and  health,  but  also  for 
many  other  things.  I will  give  a few  instances. 

1.  On  one  of  them  is  a diminutive  sandal  tied  by  the  latchet,  the  mother 
who  placed  it  praying  that  her  son  might  become  a singing  shaman. 


IOO 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


2.  To  another  arrow,  just  below  the  ‘winged’  part,  a red  thread  is  tied. 
This  signifies  life,  accordingly  a prayer  that  the  supplicant,  a boy,  may  live  long. 

3.  To  a third  arrow  (Fig.  107)  is  tied  a large  ‘ eye  ’ (Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  si'kuli), 
made  of  black,  red,  and  white  crewel  — a prayer  for  long  life  for  a child.  The  spiral 
painted  on  the  ‘winged  ’ part  of  the  arrow  is  symbolic  of  life.  The  colors  are  red, 
black,  and  the  natural  color  of  the  reed,  which  are  the  colors  found  on  the  ‘ eye.’ 


Figs.  105  106  (xffx)*  Arrows  of  the  Corn  Mother.  (About  3 nat.  size.) 

Fig.  107  (iff 7).  Arrow  of  Mother  East-Water.  (About  £ nat.  size.) 

Fig.  108  (iif-7).  Arrow  of  the  1 Mother  of  the  House  of  the  Little  Ones.’  (About  3 nat.  size.) 


Fig.  105. 


Fig.  106. 


Fig.  107. 


Fig.  108. 


In  the  collection  are  also  six  arrows  which  had  been  left  in  the  cave  of  this 
Mother  near  Santa  Catarina,  each  for  a little  one  when  it  was  bathed  in  the  cave. 
Children  are  washed  at  the  spring  in  this  cave  to  insure  health,  and  life  is  also 
asked  through  the  arrows  left  there. 

Arrows  of  Mother  West-Water  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ka  Ulu'). — These  often 
represent  prayers  for  luck  in  raising  corn.  One  in  the  collection  was  deposited 
as  a prayer  for  a child’s  health. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


IOI 


Arrow  of  the  ‘Mother  of  the  House  of  the  Little  Ones’  (Tate7 
TulirikTta  Ulu'),  Fig.  108.  — It  is  from  the  cave  of  this  Mother,  near  Santa 
Catarina  (see  p.  52).  It  has  three  attachments,  — a wristlet  of  leather  with  a few 
blue  beads  attached  to  its  middle  part  (Tate'  Tuliriki'ta  matzu'wa),  a wooden  object 
called  kalatsi'ki,  and  a back-shield  of  the  goddess.  The  kalatsi'ki  is  a conven- 
tionalized representation  of  the  real  object  (Fig.  286),  which  brings  luck  in  killing 
deer.  It  is  12  cm.  long,  and  serrated  on  the  edges  with  the  exception  of  one  end, 
which  serves  as  a handle.  All  but  the  handle  is  painted  blue.  Woven  into  the 
back-shield  are  a picture  of  the  deer-god  of  the  south  (Elder  Brother  Wawatsa'li), 
and  in  front  of  the  deer  a representation  of  the  same  kalatsi'ki  by  which  the  deer 
is  to  be  called  to  his  death.  Note  that  there  is  a kind  of  handle  to  the  back- 
shield,  probably  showing  that  it  is  to  be  considered  as  the  shaman’s  plume-handle 
(wi'ta  moye'li),  which  is  another  back-shield.  Thus  it  is  a kind  of  double  back- 
shield.  The  arrow  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  deer. 

arrows  of  special  makes. 

Under  this  heading  are  included  arrows  that  are  modified  according  to  the 
use  to  which  they  are  put,  and  those  that  are  highly  conventionalized. 

Deer- Hunter’s  Arrow,  or  Arrow  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like 
Tamoye'ke  Ulu'),  Fig.  109.  — It  was  found  in  his  god-house  at  the  temple  of 
Guayavas,  near  San  Andres,  suspended  in  a horizontal  position  by  a twine  of  ixtle 
fastened  at  both  ends.  It  is  made  from  one  piece  of  reed  thicker  than  the  rear- 
shaft  of  the  bow-arrow,  and  is  nocked  at  both  ends.  It  has  five  painted  sections, 
separated  by  narrow  bands  of  the  natural  color  of  the  stick.  Each  section  is 
painted  dark  blue  with  longitudinal  lines  and  zigzags  ; in  other  words,  each  is  the 
‘winged’  part  of  an  arrow. 

This  arrow  has  fifteen  attachments,  as  follows  : — (a)  Five  snares  or  ‘ aspects  ’ 
(neali'ka)  of  the  deer.  They  are  made  by  stringing  three  pieces  of  reed  from  7 cm. 
to  9 cm.  long,  each  made  to  represent  a ‘ winged  ’ part,  on  a twine  of  ixtle,  and 
tying  the  two  ends  together  so  that  the  pieces  form  a triangle.  The  ends  of  the 
reeds  are  generally  nocked  and  left  unpainted,  while  the  rest  is  painted  dark  blue 
with  longitudinal  zigzags  and  lines  (see  p.  95,  where  it  is  demonstrated  that  they 
are  snares  of  the  deer).  The  color  of  the  arrow  and  of  the  snares  agrees  with 
that  on  the  arrows  of  this  god.  The  deer-lmnter,  who  keeps  this  arrow  in  his  house 
or  private  god-house,  attaches  one  snare  each  year  until  the  number  has  reached 
five,  when  he  deposits  the  arrow  in  one  of  the  god-houses  devoted  to  Elder 
Brother.  (3)  Front-shield  or  ‘face’  of  the  Sun  (somewhat  damaged).  It  is  a 
polygon  of  nine  sides,  measuring  15  cm.  between  two  opposite  corners.  The 
central  portion  is  open,  being  formed  by  a hoop,  into  which  the  ends  of  the  inter- 
woven sticks  are  inserted.  The  colors  are,  next  to  the  hoop  red,  followed  by 
white,  and  then  red.  (r)  The  ‘eye’  (si'kuli)  of  the  Sun.  ( d ) A netted  shield  of 
Elder  Brother,  about  4 cm.  in  diameter.  The  central  part  is  white,  and  the  rest 
blue  (see  p.  94).  (<?)  An  indistinct  representation  of  the  wife  of  the  deer-hunter, 


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LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HU1CH0L  INDIANS. 


embroidered  in  dark  blue  on  a piece  of  textile.  A small  loop  of  blue  beads  is 
attached  to  the  figure,  probably  to  the  navel,  signifying  her  sex  and  maternity. 
( f)  A netted  shield  of  Elder  Brother,  6 cm.  in  diameter,  the  net  being  made  of 
brown  yarn.  In  close  proximity  to  the  shield,  and  evidently  as  its  accompaniment, 
is  a small  bamboo  peg  9 cm.  long,  and  pointed  at  one  end.  The  peg  is  attached 
to  the  arrow  by  a cotton  twine  tied  round  the  upper  part  in  a single  knot ; and 
the  netted  shield  is  tied  to  the  same  cord,  at  a distance  of  2 cm.  from  the  peg,  by 
a free  end  of  the  yarn  used  in  the  weaving.  The  peg  may  represent  an  empaling- 
stick,  which  is  set  up  in  the  midst  of  some  narrow  path  or  in  some  depression 
over  which  the  deer  are  driven.  The  Tarahumares  use  this  method  of  hunting, 
but  I do  not  know  whether  such  sticks  are  used  by  the  Huichols.  Therefore  I 
believe  that  the  attached  peg  is  a conventionalized  ceremonial  arrow.  One  or 
more  ceremonial  arrows  are  always  placed  next  to  the  votive  bowl  which  contains 
the  netted  shield  to  entice  the  deer.  — These  netted  shields  (see  p.  94)  recall 
the  Zuni  cord-shields,1  and  the  snaring  of  deer  in  pitfalls  or  by  means  of  spring- 
poles  and  ropes,  as  seen  in  the  Troano  Codex.  According  to  Cushing,  when  a 
Zuni  hunts  a deer,  he  makes  what  is  called  a little  ‘spider  knot’  of  yucca,  which 
represents  the  spider  and  his  knot  in  the  middle  of  his  web.  He  puts  this  down 
on  the  ground  on  the  ‘trail  of  the  deer,’  usually  in  front  of  the  first  four  tracks  of 
the  deer  ; and,  pointing  backward  over  this  trail,  he  sticks  up  slantingly  near  the 
‘ spider  knot  ’ a little  peg,  so  that  the  feet  of  the  deer  will  be  impeded  or  caught, 
and  the  deer  himself  insnared  as  in  the  hunter’s  web.  The  web  is  left  open,  that  the 
deer  may  not  escape.  If  it  were  not  open,  it  would  lift  the  deer  up.  When  entire, 
it  is  symbolic  of  the  lifting  power  of  the  ‘ cloud  shield.’  (g)  ‘Face’  or  front- 
shield  of  Elder  Brother.  The  centre  is  yellow,  surrounded  by  a section  of  black 
on  which  are  two  red  stripes.  The  border  is  white.  (//)  Another  ‘ face  ’ or  front- 
shield  of  Elder  Brother.  The  colors  are,  innermost  red,  then  white,  black,  red, 
white.  (2)  A third  ‘face’  or  front-shield  of  Elder  Brother,  8.5  cm.  in  diameter. 
The  colors  are  red,  black,  and  white,  (k)  A back-shield  or  ‘ bed  ’ of  Elder  Brother, 
4.5  cm.  by  4 cm.  The  dark-blue  diamond-shaped  figure  on  it,  which  is  crossed  by 
a dark-blue  line,  represents  two  hi'kuli  growing  on  the  ground.  Elder  Brother  is 
also  god  of  hi'kuli,  which  is  expressed  in  the  figure  on  his  bed.  (/ ) A tobacco- 
gourd,  represented  by  a small  oblong  open  basket  2 cm.  long,  made  from  thin 
pieces  of  wood  interwoven  with  dark-blue  crewel.  A free  end  of  the  crewel 
attaches  it  to  the  same  string,  also  blue,  by  which  the  back-shield  hangs.  The 
tobacco-gourd,  as  said  before,  is  an  essential  part  of  the  outfit  of  the  hi'kuli-seeker, 
because  he  must  have  tobacco  in  order  to  gather  the  plant.  Elder  Brother 
himself  was  not  only  the  creator  of  hi'kuli,  but  also  the  institutor  of  its  cult, 
symbolized  by  the  gourd. 

As  already  stated,  the*  sacred  number  of  the  Huichols  is  5,  therefore  five 

1 See  ‘ Outlines  of  Zuni  Creation  Myths,’  by  F.  II.  Cushing  (Thirteenth  Ann.  Rep.  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Wash- 
ington, pp.  389,  423,  and  elsewhere)  ; ‘A  Zuni  Folk-Tale  of  the  Underworld’  (The  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 
Vol.  V,  No.  XVI,  p.  52). 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


103 


snares  have  to  be  put  on  in  consecutive  years.  Every  time  one  is  put  on,  it 
means  a prayer  for  catching  deer.  The  two  netted  shields,  which  are  also  cere- 
monial snares,  contribute  to  the  desired  result.  The  five  ‘winged’  parts  of  the 
arrow,  vital  parts,  one  answering  to  each  year,  symbolize  further  the  killing  of 
deer.  The  number  5 also  symbolizes  the  deer  of  the  whole  country,  — in  the 
four  quarters  and  in  the  middle  region.  During  these  five  years  the  hunter 
also  puts  on  other  symbolic  objects  which  have  reference  mainly  to  the  catching 
of  deer.  Three  front-shields  express  adoration  of  the  god,  and  so  does  the  back- 
shield  with  its  accompanying  tobacco-gourd.  The  front-shield  of  Father  Sun 


has  been  attached  because  in  his  light  the  hunter  sees  his  prey.  A peculiar 
attachment  on  such  an  arrow  is  the  picture  of  the  hunter’s  wife  with  the  attending 
‘eye.’  She  probably  was  taken  ill  during  the  five  years,  and  one  of  the  means  to 
restore  her  health  was  to  place  her  image  on  the  magic  arrow.  The  ‘ eye  ’ above 
the  picture,  as  usual,  symbolizes  protection  under  the  watching  eye  of  the  god. 

Ko'ma,  or  Deer-Hunter’s  Arrows.  — At  the  ceremonial  race  connected 
with  the  feast  of  tamales  de  maiz  crudo  three  peculiar  ceremonial  arrows  are  used, 
each  of  which  is  called  ko'ma.  These  three  form  a set,  and  each  is  worn  on  the 
back  of  a young  hunter,  suspended  in  a horizontal  position  by  means  of  a loop, 
which  passes  round  the  neck  of  the  man.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  feast  they 
are  put  away  in  the  god-house  of  the  Sun.  Ko'ma  is  the  name  of  a ceremonial 
arrow  to  which  a grass  ring  bound  round  with  a twine  of  ixtle  has  been  attached, 
the  arrow  piercing  the  ring  diametrically.  In  two  of  the  specimens  pictured  the 
rings  are  13.5  cm.  in  diameter  and  1.5  cm.  thick;  and  in  the  third  10.5  cm.  in 


104 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


diameter  at  the  broadest  part,  and  of  uneven  thickness.  Two  pieces  of  twine  of 
ixtle  are  attached  to  each  ring  as  shown  in  Figs.  110-112,  which  serve  to  suspend 
the  arrow.  When  in  use,  it  is  suspended  with  the  ‘ winged  ’ part  of  the  arrow 
towards  the  right-hand  side  of  the  bearer.  We  give  below  three  specimens  be- 
longing to  one  set.  They  were  procured  at  a feast  of  tamales  de  maiz  cmido,  held 
at  the  temple  of  San  Jose,  near  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres.  Each  ko'ma  belongs 
to  a special  god. 

1.  Kdma  of  the  Deer  God  in  the  South  ( lama' ts  Wawatsal li  Ko'ma),  Fig. 
1 10.  — To  the  ring  a piece  of  cotton-cloth  is  sewed,  which  covers  about  half  of  it. 
On  it  is  an  embroidery  in  crewel  of  a deer  with  two  little  ones  on  its  back, 
whose  heads  are  touched  by  either  hand  of  a human  figure  standing  between 
them.  The  color  of  the  deer  is  red,  with  the  exception  of  the  nose  and  forelegs, 
which  are  blue.  The  three  figures  on  its  back  are  also  red.  Two  small  crosses 
have  been  left  on  the  body  of  the  deer,  and  a triangle  of  white  between  them,  and 


there  are  two  white  spots  on  the  body  of  each  of  the  young  deer.  The  man  hold- 
ing on  to  the  two  little  deer  symbolizes  the  catching  of  deer.  A tail-feather  of 
the  red-tailed  hawk  is  tied  to  the  rearshaft. 

2.  Ko’ma  of  Grandfather  Fire  ( Kdma  Sauli'rika ),  Fig.  111.  — Sauli'rika  is 
the  name  of  the  shaman  as  a prophet  and  a magician,  the  god  of  fire  being  the 
greatest  shaman.  The  grass  ring  is  in  this  case  bound  round  with  a piece  of  a 
red  handkerchief  bought  in  a Mexican  store,  the  red  color  being  indicative  of  fire. 
To  the  inside  of  the  lower  half  of  the  ring  two  tigers’  claws  are  fastened,  pointed 
at  each  other.  The  tiger  belongs  to  the  fire. 

3.  Ko'ma  of  the  Deer  God  in  the  North  ( Tarnats  O' to  Taiwi  Ko'ma),  Fig. 
1 1 2. — To  the  ring,  from  the  circumference  to  the  centre,  a piece  of  textile  made 
from  yellow-dyed  yarn  is  attached,  one  end  of  it  being  sewed  to  the  ring,  and  the 
other  end  being  pierced  by  the  arrow.  On  this  textile  is  embroidered  in  red  a 
human  figure  with  hands  uplifted.  An  open  square  has  been  left  in  the  middle 
of  the  figure.  A tail-feather  of  the  red-tailed  hawk  is  attached  to  the  rearshaft  by 
a cotton  cord. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS.  105 

The  three  men  who  carry  these  ceremonial  arrows  run  alongside  of  one 
another,  the  one  who  carries  that  of  Grandfather  Fire  running  in  the  middle, 
while  the  bearer  of  the  arrow  of  the  deer  god  in  the  south  runs  to  the  right,  and 
that  of  the  deer  god  in  the  north  to  the  left  of  him.  Note  that  the  tail-feathers 
attached  to  the  latter  two  are  taken  respectively  from  the  right-hand  side  and  the 
left-hand  side  of  the  tail  of  a hawk,  corresponding  to  the  position  of  the  bearers 
of  the  arrows.  The  middle  bearer  is  of  course  the  most  important  of  the  three. 


He  is  supposed  to  see  everything,  since  he  carries  the  powers  of  the  curing  and 
prophesying  shaman.  The  deer  god  in  the  north  is  male,  and  the  one  in  the  south 
is  female,1  although  the  latter  is  called  Tama'ts  (‘elder  brother’).  The  figure 
representing  the  deer  (Fig.  1 10)  has  antlers,  which  would  suggest  a male  deer  ; but 


it  will  be  remembered  that  the  roe  is  believed  to  have  antlers,  although  only  the 
shaman  sees  them.  On  other  occasions  the  deer  god  in  the  south  is  called  Ma'ra 
Wa'tsi.  The  circlets  transfixed  by  the  arrows  are  ceremonial  snares  ; and  the 
three  arrows,  as  well  as  the  whole  race,  symbolize  luck  in  hunting.  The  middle 
runner  represents  a shaman  of  the  hunt ; and  the  claws  of  the  tiger  within  his 

1 This  statement  was  made  by  my  informant  when  explaining  this  arrow.  It  disagrees  with  information  obtained 
from  other  men  (see  p.  21). 


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LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


ko'ma  indicate  the  capture  of  the  deer,  whether  in  the  north  or  in  the  south.  He 
also  guards  against  any  evil  or  accident  that  may  happen  on  the  hunt,  and  is  the 
principal  medium  of  luck. 


Fig.  113.  Fig.  114.  Fig.  115.  Fig.  116.  Fig.  117. 

Fig.  113  (xlfg).  Arrow  of  Grandfather  Kauyuma'li.  (Length,  45  cm.)  Fig.  114  (xffs)*  Arrow  of  Grandfather  Fire.  (Length,  53  cm.) 

Fig.  115  (b6xk).  Arrow  of  Grandmother  Growth.  (Length,  66  cm.)  Fig.  116  (xffo)-  Arrow  of  Grandfather  Fire.  (Length,  67  cm.) 

Fig.  117  (x|fx).  Arrow  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail.  (Length,  76  cm.) 

Arrow  of  Grandfather  Kauyuma'li  (?),  Fig.  113.  — This  is  supposed  to 
represent  one  of  the  ancient  arrows,  made  from  a different  and  inferior  material 
from  that  used  to-day  (see  p.  84).  It  is  called  kaluu'tsa,  and  is  thought  to  belong 
to  Kauyuma'li,  the  god  who  first  taught  the  other  gods  to  make  arrows.  It  has 
another  name,  Sipora'wi  ulu'ya  (‘  young  deer  arrow  which  is  explained  by  the  be- 
lief that  the  god  visited  the  underworld  in  the  shape  of  a deer.  Here  he  was 
shot,  but  was  afterwards  revived  by  Elder  Brother.  I found  this  specimen  in  the 
god-house  of  Elder  Brother  at  Teaka'ta.  It  is  a straight  stick,  thin  and  fragile, 
cut  from  a certain  bush  called  halio'ki.  The  lower  end  is  cut  off  even,  and  the 
upper  end  is  provided  with  a nock.  Three  natural  nodes  at  the  lower  part 
constitute  to  the  Indian  the  main  difference  between  this  arrow  and  one  of  the 
ordinary  kind  made  from  reed.  The  upper  part  of  the  arrow  for  more  than  one» 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


107 


third  of  its  length  is  painted  with  a spiral  in  blue  and  brown  (probably  meant  to 
be  yellow),  and  round  the  nock  is  a band  of  the  same  brown.  It  has  no  attach- 
ments. It  expresses  a prayer  for  health  (cf.  p.  100,  Fig.  107). 

Finally  I will  mention  some  curiously  conventionalized  arrows, — stickshaving 
but  slight  indication  that  they  are  meant  to  be  arrows. 

1.  Arrow  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Fig.  114). — It  was  found  in  the  temple  of 
Santa  Catarina,  where  it  was  deposited  in  order  to  be  taken  later  to  Teaka'ta.  It 
is  a stick  of  Brazil-wood  which  has  been  smoothed  off,  one  end  evenly  cut  off,  and 
the  other  end  nocked. 

2.  Arrow  of  Grandmother  Growth  (Fig.  115).  — It  was  taken  from  her 
cave  in  the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Catarina.  It  is  simply  a stick  of  Brazil-wood 
somewhat  smoothed  off,  and  pointed  at  one  end. 

3.  Arrows  of  Grandfather  Fire  and  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail 
(Figs.  1 16,  1 1 7).  — These  are  sticks  cut  from  the  big-leaved  oak  (Huichol  towa'ra  ; 
Sp.  encino  roble ),  and  represent  the  pokers  used  for  the  fire  at  the  temple  of  Santa 
Catarina.  They  are  slightly  smoothed  off,  most  of  the  bark  being  left  on.  Both 
are  pointed  at  one  end, — the  end  used  to  rake  up  the  fire  with,  which  therefore  is 
slightly  charred  in  these  specimens.  The  other  end,  in  that  of  Grandfather  Fire, 
is  forked,  while  in  that  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  it  is  cut  off  obliquely. 
The  name  of  the  nock  is  tame'. 


IV.  — FRONT-SHIELDS  (NEALI'KA). 


The  Huichol  Indians,  as  is  apparent  from  the  myth  given  below,  used  to  carry 
two  shields,  — one  in  front,  which  may  be  compared  to  a buckler  ; and  another  on 
the  back,  which  was  also  the  mat  or  bed  of  the  warrior.  The  myth,  which  is  taken 
from  the  story  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  (Tato'tsi  Ma'ra  Kwa'ri),  was 
related  to  me  in  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Catarina,  and  begins  thus  : — 

“The  ranches  in  the  north  and  the  south  fought  against  Tato'tsi  and  his 
people,  and  conquered  and  ate  many  of  them.  However,  Tato'tsi  gathered  the 
remaining  warriors  together,  and  led  them  towards  the  north.  The  enemy  were 
living  in  a dismal  cave. 

“ Tato'tsi  then  assumed  the  shape  of  a deer.  On  the  summit  of  one  of  the 
hills  forming  the  sides  of  the  barranca 1 * he  made  a hole,  jumped  into  it,  and  covered 
the  top  over  with  a stone.  Soon  afterwards  the  enemy  ascended  the  hillside 
from  the  valley  below  to  fight  with  those  above  ; but  Tato'tsi  loosened  their  lad- 
ders, which  tumbled  down,  and  the  people  fell  with  them  and  were  killed.  Then 
he  mended  the  ladders,  and  descended  to  see  how  matters  stood  in  the  barranca, 
and  all  his  men  went  with  him. 

“ They  met  an  old  man  who  had  a shield  on  his  back,  and  who  held  another 
one  in  front  of  him.  The  shield  in  front  was  round  in  shape,  made  from  ixtle, 
and  had  a hole  in  the  middle  to  see  through.  It  was  shield  and  ‘ mirror  ’ or 
4 face  ’ | neali'ka]  at  the  same  time,  because  not  only  did  it  protect  him  against  arrows, 
but  he  could  also  see  the  arrows  through  it.  They  killed  the  old  man  with 
stones,  robbed  him  of  his  shield,  and  brought  it  here,  as  well  as  his  arrows.” 

The  front-shield  or  neali'ka  is  primarily  round,  because  first  of  all  it  sym- 
bolizes the  buckler,  which  was  round  ; but  it  has  also  come  to  symbolize  the 
face  (hence  a mask  is  a neali'ka)  or  aspect  of  a god  or  person  : in  fact,  it  may  be 
said  to  be  the  Indian  expression  for  a picture,  therefore  rock  carvings  are  called 
neali'ka.  The  round  mirrors  bought  in  Mexican  stores  are  also  called  by  the  same 
name.  My  Huichol  informants,  who  understood  a little  Spanish,  sometimes  even 
used  to  call  these  symbolic  objects  ‘ mirrors,’  alluding  to  the  pictures  shown 
on  them.  The  holes  in  the  walls  of  a god-house,  — one  above  the  entrance, 
and  a corresponding  one  at  the  rear, — which  are  always  round  in  shape,  are 
also  called  neali'ka.  The  round  netted  shields  ( cf.  p.  94)  are  neali'ka,  as  are 
also  the  diminutive  ceremonial  deer-snares.  We  shall  call  these  symbolic  objects 
4 front-shields,’  substituting  at  times  ‘ face,’  4 aspect,’  or  ‘ picture  ’ as  names  expres- 
sive of  the  Indian  thought  in  particular  cases.  The  front-shields  express  prayers 
for  rain,  corn,  or  health. 

There  are  front-shields  which  are  not  round,  but  angular,  with  varying  num- 
bers of  sides,  from  six  upwards.  There  are  also  back-shields,  which,  although 
rectangular,  are  called  neali'ka  ; but  this  is  only  natural,  as  the  term  ‘ neali'ka  ’ 
in  this  case  merely  expresses  the  picture  shown  on  the  back-shield. 


1 A barranca  is  a deep  canon. 

[toS] 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


109 


Generally  front-shields  are  flat,  but  they  may  sometimes  have  the  shape  of 
a Japanese  umbrella  (Fig.  13 1).  They  are  either  attached  to  an  arrow,  as 
in  most  cases,  or  simply  hung  to  the  roof  inside  of  the  god-houses.  The  latter  is 
the  case  when  they  are  large.  They  are  generally  attached  by  means  of  a special 
cord,  either  of  white  cotton  or  colored  crewel  or  yarn,  tied  to  the  colored  part  of 
the  rearshaft  of  an  arrow,  and  fastened  to  the  disk  at  one  or  two  places  towards 
the  edge.  Sometimes  an  end  of  the  material  used  for  weaving  is  left  free,  and 
long  enough  to  serve  the  purpose  of  attaching.  Those  described  in  the  following 
pages  are  not  attached  to  arrows,  unless  so  stated. 

In  a general  way,  the  ceremonial  front-shields  are  made  on  one  and  the  same 
principle,  by  interweaving  pieces  of  split  bamboo  with  cotton  cord  or  variously 
colored  crewel  or  yarn  in  the  form  of  a disk,  symbolic  designs  being  usually  rep- 
resented in  the  weaving.  The  size  varies  greatly,  the  smallest  in  the  collection 
measuring  6 cm.  in  diameter,  and  the  largest  about  50  cm.  As  a rule,  the  splints 
are  of  the  length  of  the  radius  of  the  disk,  and  pointed  at  their  inner  ends, 
although  sometimes  they  may  be  as  long  as  the  diameter.  The  spaces  between 
them  towards  the  edge  are  filled  in  with  smaller  splints,  also  pointed  at  their 
inner  ends,  and  in  rare  cases  with  pieces  of  coarse  grass.  The  ends  of  the  splints 
are  left  protruding  one  centimetre  or  more  beyond  the  edge.  In  most  cases  two 
pieces  more  solid  than  the  others,  and  as  long  as  the  diameter  of  the  disk,  are 
interwoven  with  the  rest.  These  heavy  splints  intersect  at  their  middle  points, 
generally  at  right  angles,  forming  a cross,  which  makes  the  object  firm  and  level, 
and  at  the  same  time  has  a symbolic  reference  to  the  four  quarters  of  the  world. 
This  cross  appears  only  on  one  side  of  the  front-shield.  When  the  spaces  are  not 
filled  in,  then  the  front-shield  is  naturally  in  the  form  of  a many-sided  polygon, 
from  six  sides  up,  the  number  of  sides  sometimes  being  so  many  that  the  shield 
becomes  practically  round.  The  splints  which  constitute  the  framework  in  such 
case  always  appear  distinctly  under  the  weaving  on  one  side,  while  on  the  other 
side  the  shield  presents  a smooth  surface. 

The  ends  of  the  different  colored  crewels  used  in  this  way  to  make 
various  symbolic  objects  are  joined  in  two  ways : in  some  they  are  tied 
together  ; in  others  the  end  of  each  color  is  fastened  to  the  splint.  The  inwoven 
figures  are  shown  equally  well  on  both  sides. 

No  great  importance  should  be  placed  on  the  varieties  of  tints  sometimes 
used  in  the  making  of  front-shields,  and  which  may  appear  even  on  one  and  the 
same  specimen.  Red  is  represented  by  colors  varying  from  light  purple  to 
yellow  and  brown  ; blue  is  represented  by  green  and  blue  ; black,  by  blue  and 
black  (see  specially  the  colors  on  the  front-shield  represented  in  Fig.  130).  This 
applies  also  to  other  symbolic  objects  the  material  for  which  has  to  be  bought  in 
Mexican  stores.  I have  even  known  cases  where  the  maker  had  to  put  in  a 
different  color  from  that  he  desired,  selecting  the  one  that  most  nearly  approached 
it ; for  instance,  dark  yellow  instead  of  red. 

The  finest  front-shields  in  regard  to  size  and  workmanship  come  from  San 


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LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Andres,  where  the  Indians  are  better  off  than  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river,  and 
accordingly  have  more  material  to  work  with.  The  suggestion  of  many  colors 
comes  naturally  to  them  from  the  appearance  of  Father  Sun,  their  patron  god, 
whom  they  mainly  worship.  While  I was  staying  in  San  Andres,  during  the 
feasts  for  making  rain,  I noticed  that  the  gods  for  whom  front-shields  were  mostly 
prepared  were  Father  Sun  and  Mother  East-Water.  After  the  feast,  those  of 
the  former  were  deposited  in  a god-house  near  the  temple  of  San  Jose,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres  ; and  those  of  Mother  East-Water 
were  taken  to  her  cave  near  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Catarina. 

In  the  collection  are  twenty-five  front-shields  (not  including  special  kinds  and 
those  attached  to  arrows),  by  far  the  greater  number  of  which  had  been  sacrificed 
to  the  Sun.  I have  placed  at  the  beginning  the  three  different  types  of  front- 
shield,  for  the  sake  of  the  instruction  that  they  give  in  regard  to  shape  and  make. 
The  first  round  one  is  by  far  the  most  common  ; and  the  reader  will  find,  in  most 
of  the  illustrations  on  the  subject,  fair  examples  of  the  ordinary  type. 

Front-Shields  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  Neali'ka  or  Tave'rik3  Neali'ka). 
— Eleven  of  the  fourteen  front-shields  here  presented  are  from  one  locality,  — the 
well-known  god-house  of  Father  Sun,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  temple  of  San 
Jose,  near  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres.  One  (Fig.  123)  is  from  Popotita,  one 
(Fig.  124)  from  a god-house  on  the  edge  of  the  mesa  of  San  Andres,  and  one 
(Fig.  126)  from  Pochotita.  They  were  sacrificed  either  for  procuring  rain  or  to 
insure  health. 

To  the  Indian  the  Sun,  of  course,  is  a man.  He  was  created  by  the  shamans 
themselves  in  ancient  times,  as  told  before.  Every  time  he  rises  in  the  east  we 
see  his  front-shield,  represented  to-day  by  the  ceremonial  shields  made  for  him. 
The  central  part  of  a front-shield,  always  defined  by  a ring,  represents  the  hole 
through  which  the  god  sees,  that  is  to  say,  his  face  especially.  Therefore  the 
hole  is  sometimes  designated  by  a hoop,  the  centre  being  left  open.  This  hole 
is  plainly  seen  in  all  the  Sun’s  front-shields,  where  the  central  part  accordingly 
represents  the  Sun  himself, — his  personality  or  face.  The  human  or  animal 
figures  which  are  pictured  on  the  shields  of  this  god  and  of  others  always  have 
their  feet  turned  toward  the  centre,  often  standing  on  the  ring. 

1.  The  first  (Fig.  118)  shows,  as  already  stated,  the  most  common  type 
of  front-shield.  Round  the  centre  is  a blue  band,  succeeded  after  a short  interval 
by  a narrow  red  one,  the  diameter  of  the  circular  space  formed  by  the  latter 
being  about  4 cm.  The  main  figures  are  a man  and  two  deer.  The  man  is  col- 
ored red,  his  head  being  very  indistinct  for  lack  of  space.  He  represents  the  Sun, 
who,  although  not  specially  the  god  of  the  deer-hunters,  may  help  them  to  catch 
deer,  and  thus  secure  rain.  The  deer  are  blue,  and  face  each  other.  Between  the 
deer  and  the  man  are  two  snares  in  blue,  a little  apart,  but  on  the  same  blue  line, 
which  represents  the  ground.  Between  them,  and  standing  on  the  ground-line,  is 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 1 I 


a red  cross,  representing  the  morning  star,  Tonoa'mi,  which  appears  before  the 
sun  rises.  That  is  just  the  time  when  hunters  begin  to  run  deer,  and  the  front- 
shield  is  thus  a symbol  of  the  rising  sun,  which  is  pre- 
ceded by  the  morning  star  ; and  it  expresses  a prayer 
that  both  these  gods  may  help  the  supplicant  to  catch 
deer.  Along  the  outer  edge  is  a border  consisting  of 
a red  and  a blue  band,  the  red  being  innermost. 

Outside  of  the  red  runs  a single  white  cotton  cord. 

This  shield  is  attached  to  a ceremonial  arrow  by 
two  cords,  which  are  also  fastened  to  two  diametri- 
cally opposite  points  of  the  disk,  near  the  edge. 

These  two  cords  are  tied  to  the  same  point  of  the 
arrow,  viz.,  the  colored  part  of  the  rearshaft.  The 
arrow  measures  in  its  entire  length  48.7  cm.,  the  rear- 
shaft  being  25.4  cm.  long,  and  the  foreshaft  23.3  cm. 

It  has  no  feathers  on  the  ‘winged’  part. 

2.  In  the  second  type  of  front-shield  (Fig.  119) 
the  bamboo  splints  intersect  each  other  at  their  middle 
points.  Between  these  are  interwoven  other  splints 
of  about  half  the  length  of  the  radius  ; while  smaller 
ones,  which  would  be  necessary  to  make  it  entirely 
round,  have  been  omitted.  The  shield  is  thus  in 
reality  a many-sided  polygon.  The  front  side,  which 
is  represented  in  the  illustration,  is  smooth,  while  on 
the  opposite  side  the  two  heavy  cross-pieces  which 
keep  the  front-shield  flat  are  plainly  visible.  The 
splints  project  beyond  the  edge  of  the  weaving  at  an 
average  of  about  3 cm. 

The  colors  are  black,  yellow,  and  white,  the  last  forming  the  background  of 
the  whole,  and  the  black  and  yellow  being  arranged  in  concentric  rings  on  it.  The 
five  inner  rings,  which  are  somewhat  irregular  in  width,  are  black,  as  is  also  the 
edge.  The  remaining  two  rings  are  yellow,  and  of  equal  width.  The  centre  is 
white.  On  both  sides  of  the  shield,  in  the  central  part,  are  traces  of  blood. 

This  front-shield,  an  imitation  of  the  appearance  of  the  sun,  is  a tribal  one, 
and  is  a prayer  for  rain. 

3.  The  third  type  of  front-shield  (Fig.  120)  shows  how  the  number  of  sides 
of  the  polygon  may  be  reduced  by  omitting  the  splints  from  the  interstices,  as 
well  as  some  of  the  intersecting  splints.  It  is  made  from  four  strong  pieces 
of  split  bamboo  of  equal  length  and  breadth  (all  regularly  cut  and  intersecting  at 
their  middle  points)  interwoven  with  yarn  and  colored  crewel.  The  splints  pro- 
ject very  little  and  for  varying  lengths  beyond  the  edge  of  the  weaving,  which  on 
the  right  side  has  a smooth  surface,  while  on  the  other  side  the  form  of  the  splints 
is  plainly  visible  under  the  weaving. 


Fig.  118  (zirr)-  Front-Shield  of.Father  Sun. 
(Diam.,  20  cm.) 


I I 2 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


The  colors  are  white,  black,  and  red,  arranged  in  concentric  rings,  the  centre 
being  black. 

This  shield  is  also  an  imitation  of  the  appearance  of  the  sun,  and  symbolizes 
its  heat,  scorching  everything,  as  shown  by  the  black  centre.  It  was  deposited 
as  a mark  of  adoration,  and  expresses,  besides,  a prayer  for  rain  and  health. 


Fig.  119.  Fig.  120. 

Figs.  1 19  (jgVb  120  (53*5).  Front-Shields  of  Father  Sun.  (About  £ nat.  size.) 


4.  A peculiar  feature  of  this  shield  (Fig.  121)  is  that  the  sticks  of  the 
supporting  cross  are  not  as  long  as  the  diameter  of  the  shield  ; and  one  stick  is 
longer  than  the  other,  although  they  cross  each  other  at  their  central  points. 
The  long  stick  is  wound  with  red  yarn,  and  the  short  one  with  white  cotton  cord. 
Another  peculiarity  is  that  a strip  of  bamboo  of  the  same  length  as  the  long  stick 
just  mentioned,  but  wound  with  yellow  yarn,  has  been  placed  directly  opposite  it 
on  the  other  side  of  the  shield,  and  the  two  have  been  tied  together  at  their  ends 
with  yellow  yarn.  The  short  stick  has  been  tied  to  the  shield  without  any  corre- 
sponding stick  on  the  other  side,  but  a splint  is  interwoven  in  the  shield,  passing 
over  the  yellow  stick  in  such  a manner  as  to  practically  form  a cross  ; thus  a kind 
of  double  cross  is  formed,  one  half  belonging  to  the  rising  sun,  as  indicated  by 
the  red  color,  and  the  other  half  to  the  setting  sun,  as  indicated  by  the  yellow. 

The  chief  color  of  the  shield  is  white.  Round  the  centre  is  a narrow  ring  of 
black  ; and  round  the  edge  runs  a narrow  ring  of  red,  surrounded  by  a still 
narrower  ring-  of  white. 

Four  figures  may  be  distinctly  seen,  — two  of  men,  and  two  of  eagles,  — one 
pair  nearly  opposite  the  other  pair,  the  feet  resting  on  the  black  ring,  with 
the  exception  of  those  of  one  of  the  eagles.  One  of  the  men  is  yellow,  and  rep- 
resents the  setting  Sun,  Sakaimo'ka  ; the  other  one  is  red,  and  represents  the 
rising  Sun,  Tave'rik3.  I think  the  fact  that  various  shades  of  red  and  yellow 
have  been  used  on  the  figures  has  no  significance.  The  maker  probably  had 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 13 


not  enough  of  one  color.  The  eagles  with  spread  wings  — one  with  head  turned 
to  one  side,  and  the  other  without  a head  — in  the  space  between  and  to 
each  side  of  the  men,  are  uniformly  black  in  color,  and  belong  one  to  each  of 
the  men.  Between  the  eagles  and  the  red  man,  on  either  side  of  the  latter,  is  a 
figure  in  black  representing  the  double  drinking-gourd  (topoli'r,  p.  1 26).  There  are 
two  stripes  of  black  near  one  of  the  eagles,  while  above  the  other  are  several  of 
red,  all  indicative  of  clouds. 


To  either  end  of  a cord  passing  through  the  right  knee  of  the  yellow  man 
a hawk-feather  is  fastened, — one  hanging  on  the  front  side,  the  other  on  the 
reverse  side,  of  the  shield.  It  is  the  same  cord  by  which  the  shield  is  attached 
to  the  rearshaft  of  its  arrow.  Below  these  two  feathers,  to  a piece  of  yellow 
crewel  passing  through  the  right  hand  of  the  red  man,  another  hawk-feather  is 
tied.  There  is  also  a hawk-feather  attached  to  the  shorter  bar  of  the  cross. 
All  round  the  edge  of  the  shield,  cotton-wool  has  been  tied,  symbolic  of  clouds. 
The  shield  has  been  smeared  with  blood  at  about  the  centre  of  the  cross  on  both 
sides. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 14 


This  shield  was  made  at  a feast  for  procuring  rain,  and  it  expresses  prayers 
to  both  the  rising  and  the  setting  Sun  to  enshroud  the  world  in  clouds,  that 
it  may  rain.  Further  symbols  of  rain  are  the  water-gourds. 

It  is  attached  to  an  arrow  by  a cotton  cord  tied  to  the  ‘winged’  part.  The 
arrow  measures  45  cm.  in  its  entire  length,  the  rearshaft  being  24.4  cm.  long, 
and  the  foreshaft  20.6  cm.  At  the  shoulder  it  is  wound  with  sinew,  under  which 
may  be  seen  four  longitudinal  black  stripes. 


Fig.  122  (5635o).  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  46  cm.) 


5.  In  the  fifth  specimen  (Fig.  T22)  the  inner  ends  of  the  splints,  as  usual,  are 
pointed,  and  only  as  long  as  the  radius  of  the  disk,  with  the  exception  of  those 
which  have  been  put  in  from  the  outer  edge.  All  along  the  outer  edge,  at  inter- 
vals of  only  about  3 cm.,  small  wads  of  cotton-wool  were  formerly  attached,  sym- 
bolic of  clouds,  but  the  greater  number  of  them  have  been  lost  through  exposure 
in  the  cave  where  the  shield  was  hanging.  Two  hawk-feathers  are  fastened  to 
the  central  part  by  a cord.  In  regard  to  colors  and  their  arrangement,  the  shield 
may  be  said  to  be  divided  into  two  parts  by  a large  but  narrow  ring  of  blue.  In 
the  inner  part  are  figures  that  no  doubt  represent  the  rays  of  the  sun,  as  the 
whole  section  within  the  ring  is  expressive  of  the  Sun  himself  with  his  various 
colors.  The  inner  parts  of  the  figures  in  white,  outside  the  ring,  with  the 
blue  and  yellow  cross-like  figures  within  them,  represent  the  shaman’s  plumes. 
Th  e cross-like  figures  represent  hi'kuli,  or,  what  is  considered  the  same  thing, 
corn.  The  broad  section  of  white,  black,  red,  and  yellow  outside  of  them,  sym- 
bolizes the  rays  of  the  sun,  which  may  even  scorch  the  earth,  the  red  and  yellow 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 15 

ones  being  indicative  of  the  heat  of  the  sun.  Between  the  shamanistic  designs 
are  seen  as  many  figures  of  the  double  water-gourd,  all  in  red. 

The  prayer  thus  indicated  is  addressed  to  the  great  shaman, — -the  Sun, 
whose  powers  are  manifest  in  heat,  — that  he  may  rise  surrounded  by  clouds, 
which  bring  rain,  and  hence  corn.  On  the  right  side  of  the  shield,  in  the  centre, 
are  traces  of  blood. 

6.  The  sixth  front-shield  (Fig.  123)  is  round,  and  made  of  the  usual  mate- 
rials. ddte  pieces  of  bamboo  are  of  the  length  of  the  radius  of  the  disk,  except 
two  wider  ones,  which  are  a little 
longer.  At  the  centre,  on  the  back 
of  the  shield,  these  overlap  about 
one  or  two  centimetres,  making  the 
shield  more  solid.  Outside  they 
are  split  in  two  strips  of  the  usual 
width. 

This  specimen  is  peculiar,  in 
that  a great  number  of  open  spaces 
are  left  in  its  surface.  They  were 
made  by  interweaving  groups  of 
two  or  three  splints,  and  leaving  an 
unwoven  space  between  the  groups. 

The  central  part  (about  9 cm.  in 
diameter)  is  entirely  interwoven, 
the  middle  being  white,  surrounded 
by  successive  stripes  of  blue,  red, 
yellow,  and  black.  From  this 
central  part  emanate  ray-like  sec- 
tions. They  are  interrupted  at  half  their  length,  however,  by  a ring  of  blue  and 
black.  The  inner  rays  are  all  made  by  the  joining  of  three  and  three  of  the 
splints,  but  the  outer  rays  are  in  only  three  cases  a direct  continuation  of  the  inner 
rays.  These  three  rays  follow  in  immediate  succession  on  the  shield.  The  rest 
are  so  placed  that  the  outer  rays  come  about  opposite  the  open  spaces  between 
the  inner  rays.  The  position  of  the  former  was  made  possible  by  joining  the 
splints  in  a different  way  from  those  of  the  inner  part.  The  edge  of  the  outer 
rays  is  bordered  with  concentric  sections  of  red,  white,  and  black.  This  forms 
also  the  edge  of  the  shield.  There  are  traces  of  cotton-wool  that  had  been  tied 
to  it,  and  there  are  also  traces  of  blood  on  one  side,  in  the  centre. 

This  shield  represents  the  ‘open’  sun,  with  all  its  rays  and  colors,  unob- 
scured by  any  clouds. 

7.  The  next  specimen  (Fig.  124)  was  found  suspended  by  a cord  to  the  roof 
of  a god-house  situated  on  the  edge  of  the  mesa  of  San  Andres.  It  is  the  lar- 
gest shield  I have  met  with.  The  two  strong  pieces  of  equal  length  that  form  the 
cross — • one  of  pine  wood  and  the  other  of  bamboo  — are  proportionately  large  ; 


Fig.  123  (-4*7).  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  30  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 1 6 

and  therefore  it  was  not  possible,  as  usual,  to  weave  them  in  with  the  rest.  They 
are  firmly  tied  to  one  side  of  the  shield  by  cotton  cord,  which  attaches  the  arms 
of  the  cross,  and  by  bark  fibre,  which  fastens  the  centre. 

Round  the  centre  is  a narrow  ring  of  black,  the  diameter  of  which,  measuring 
from  the  inner  edges,  is  about  5 cm.  The  space  within  the  ring  is  entirely  hidden 
by  a yellow  paper  flower  such  as  the  Mexicans  use  for  adorning  their  saints. 
This  central  section  has  the  usual  meaning,  representing  the  Sun  himself ; and  the 
flower  attached  to  it  is  a mark  of  adoration.  Only  5 cm.  from  the  edge  runs 
another  but  very  narrow  black  ring.  On  the  space  between  these  two  rings  a 
number  of  tigers  ] of  various  sizes  are  seen,  all  except  one  represented  in  the  act 


Fig.  124  (55V).  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  50  cm.) 


of  running.  They  are  arranged  two  and  two  facing  each  other,  except  two, 
one  of  which  is  in  pursuit  of  the  other.  There  is  also  one  small  tiger  to  be  seen 
between  two  of  the  large  ones.  The  bodies  are  generally  of  a black  or  dark-blue 
or  even  dark-brown  color,  with  spots  of  red,  or  blue,  or  yellow.  Some  of  them 
have  white  stripes  and  no  spots,  and  one  has  red  and  yellow  stripes.  Although 
all  the  animals  represented  vary  somewhat  in  appearance,  they  have  one  feature 
in  common,  — their  large  claws. 

There  is  an  inner  circle  of  four  animals  of  various  sizes.  Two  of  them  — one 
blue,  and  the  other  black  — represent  male  deer,  as  indicated  by  their  antlers.  A 


1 The  tiger  is  the  jaguar  (Felis  on(a  Linn.). 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 1 7 


third,  which  is  brown  with  yellow  mouth,  is  a roe.  On  the  side  diametrically 
opposite  to  the  roe  is  an  animal  which  is  probably  a mepach  (coati').  See  p.  58. 

Just  outside  of  this  circle  of  animals,  or  rather  in  the  outer  edge  of  it,  are 
seen,  at  two  diametrically  opposite  sides,  representations  of  birds.  One  of  them 
is  somewhat  of  the  shape  of  an  obtuse  angle,  one  side  of  which  is  red  and  the 
other  blue,  and  is  meant  for  a flying  swallow.  The  swallow,  like  the  cardinal 
bird,  moves  about  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  and  is  therefore  a sun  bird.  The 
other  figure  is  blue,  and  represents  a quail  standing.  At  various  places  are  seen 
short  lines  of  red,  blue,  or  yellow. 

There  are  two  blue  serpents  close  to  two  tigers,  near  the  top,  on  the  left, 
one  of  them  being  between  and  the  other  just  above  them.  The  mouth  is  indi- 
cated in  red  on  both  of  them.  The  bodies  of  the  serpents  are  extended,  and  the 
heads  are  turned  in  opposite  directions.  On  the  right  is  another  pair  of  serpents 
in  nearly  similar  positions,  the  one  nearest  the  centre  being  yellow  with  black 
mouth,  and  the  other  black  with  yellow  mouth. 

All  the  mammals,  birds,  and  serpents  represented  in  the  main  section  of  the 
shield  are  animals  belonging  to  the  Sun,  and  placed  there  in  adoration  of  the 
god. 

The  large  field  occupied  by  these  animals  is  limited  by  the  narrow  black  ring 
mentioned  before.  Outside  of  it  follows  a space,  which  is  filled  up  entirely  with 
triangular  figures  — black,  brown,  white,  yellow,  blue,  red  — that  fit  into  each  other 
in  an  ornamental  design  round  the  whole  shield.  They  are  symbolic  of  clouds. 


The  outer  part  of  the  weaving  of  the 
shield  consists  of  radial  stripes,  alter- 
nately black  and  white,  symbolizing  rain. 

The  mere  edgm  is  a narrow  band  of 
white. 

The  prayer  embodied  in  this  front- 
shield  is  thus  that  the  Sun,  surrounded 
by  all  his  animals,  may  rise  in  clouds 
which  produce  rain. 

8.  Another  front-shield  of  the  Sun 
(Fig.  125)  has  a narrow  ring  of  black 
round  the  centre,  enclosing  a section 
about  10  cm.  in  diameter.  Inside  of 
this  are  seen  four  terrace-like  blue  fig- 
ures arranged  in  opposite  pairs  round  a 
white  centre.  The  spaces  between  the  Fig.  125  (&%).  Front-shield  of  Father  sun.  (Diam.,  35  cm.) 
blue  figures  are  partly  filled  in  with  red. 

This  whole  central  section,  bounded  by  the  black  line,  represents,  as  before,  the 
Sun  himself. 

On  the  main  section,  which  extends  from  this  black  ring  to  the  edge,  are 
various  figures  on  a white  background,  the  most  conspicuous  among  which  is  a 


1 18 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


tiger.  The  body  is  long  and  jaguar-like,  although  out  of  proportion  The  tail  is 
turned  upwards  and  forwards,  bending  back  on  itself  at  the  end.  The  body  and 
limbs  are  blue  ; but  the  spots  on  the  animal  are  so  numerous  that  most  of  the 
body  appears  as  one  mass  of  blue,  red,  and  white  blocks,  and  blue  and  white 
lines.  Above  the  animal  is  a very  light  red  cross,  and  in  front  of  it  a black  one. 
In  front  of  the  tiger  is  a comparatively  well  executed  eagle  in  very  light  red,  the 
tail  having  stripes  of  dark  red  on  it.  The  bird  is  represented  with  wings  spread, 
legs  apart,  and  head  in  profile.  In  the  middle  of  the  body,  between  the  wings,  is 
the  heart,  a white  space  resembling  the  symbol  of  a shaman’s  plume.  To  one 
side  of  it,  and  touching  it  with  one  leg,  is  a small  black  eaode,  also  with  wings 
spread  and  head  in  profile,  but  without  tail.  The  tiger  and  the  eagle,  as  animals 
belonging  to  the  Sun,  express  adoration,  as  well  as  a prayer  for  help. 

The  other  figures  are  men  and  deer.  Behind  the  tiger  is  a deer  of  the  south, 
without  antlers,  in  red.  A man,  dark  blue  in  color  (meant  to  be  black),  follows, 
with  arms  outstretched,  the  fingers  (three  in  number)  being  very  prominent. 
He  wears  a hat.  On  his  right  is  a male  deer  of  the  north,  in  dark  blue.  In 
front  of  it  is  another  deer  of  the  north  with  antlers,  although  not  so  large. 
It  is  black  and  dark  blue  in  color,  with  a tinge  of  pink  on  the  hoofs.  In  front 
of  this  deer  stands  a man  with  arms  outstretched,  like  the  first  man,  and  also 
with  hat  on.  There  is  some  light  pink  color  on  the  top  of  the  hat  and  on  one  side, 
expressing  feather  ornaments.  In  the  man’s  left  hand,  by  which  he  holds  one  of 
the  antlers  of  the  deer,  is  also  seen  a baton  (i'tsu),  the  greater  part  of  which  is  light 
pink  in  color,  while  the  upper  end  is  light  green.  The  two  men  are  shamans  on 
the  hunt.  The  one  with  prominent  fingers  wants  to  catch  deer,  whde  the  other 
one  is  pictured  as  having  already  caught  one.  The  baton  which  the  latter  holds 
in  his  left  hand  is  the  wand  with  which  he  consecrates  the  heap  of  tamales  (corn- 
bread)  at  the  feast  of  tamales  dc  maiz  crudo.  These  designs,  therefore,  also 
express  a wish  that  this  feast  may  come  off,  when  the  shaman  with  the  wand  will 
offer  the  tamales  to  all  the  gods. 

Above  these  two  groups  of  deer  and  men  are  seen  four  red  figures  represent- 
ing certain  red  ‘insects’  which  appear  in  the  wet  season.  Three  of  them  are 
of  a very  light  color,  a shade  lighter  than  pink  ; and  the  fourth,  the  largest,  of 
a dark-red  color.  They  are  called  Tate'  Ma'toli  or  Tate'  Mau'tuli,  and  are,  so  the 
Indians  say,  red  in  color,  looking  something  like  ticks,  and  are  frequently  seen  on 
the  ground  at  the  beginningof  the  wet  season.  They  belong  to  the  Corn  Mother, 
who,  according  to  one  tradition,  is  the  mother  of  the  Sun.  As  they  appear 
only  when  the  soil  is  thoroughly  drenched  with  rain,  they  become  symbolic  of  rain. 
They  are  also  symbolic  of  corn  (cf  P ig.  134,  I,  where  the  same  designs  symbolize 
corn  ; see  also  Fig.  126,  m ; and  compare  the  Zuni  conception  of  dragon-flies  as 
having  been  created  from  corn-stalks).  A pink  cross  is  seen  above  the  deer,  and 
to  the  left  of  it  is  an  irregular  figure,  also  in  pink. 

Along  the  edge  of  the  front-shield  is  a border  consisting  of  two  narrow  red 
bands  separated  by  a yellow  band.  To  the  black  ring  small  wads  of  cotton-wool 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 1 9 

are  fastened  at  short  distances  apart  by  means  of  beeswax,  and  at  one  place  are  a 
red  and  a white  glass  bead.  These  do  not  appear  in  the  illustration. 

The  Sun  is  here  asked  to  bring  rain,  which  is  symbolized  by  cotton-wool  and 
the  ‘insects,’  so  that  the  Huichols  may  have  plenty  of  corn  to  eat,  and  catch  deer 
enough  to  give  the  feast  of  tamales  de  maiz  cmdo. 

g.  I his  specimen  (Fig.  1 26)  was  obtained  from  the  god-house  of  Tayau'  at  the 
temple  of  Pochotita,  near  Santa  Catarina.  It  is  attached  to  a ceremonial  arrow  at 


Fig.  126  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  37  cm.) 

a,  The  Sun  ; i,  c , Water-serpents  ; d,  A moving  serpent : e , /,  Two  children  ; g , Mountain-lion  ; h.  Tiger  ; z,  Wolf  ; /,  Tiger  ; 

k , Shaman’s  plumes  ; /,  Butterflies ; zzz,  Insects. 


its  shoulder.  I found  it  hanging  under  the  roof  of  the  small  god-house  by  a 
loop  of  ixtle  twine,  which  is  still  to  be  seen  near  the  edge.  One  of  the  Indians 
procured  forme  an  arrow  of  the  Sun,  and  of  his  own  accord  stuck  it  through  the 
yellow  crewel  at  the  centre  of  the  shield,  which  was  damaged  or  broken. 

This  is  the  best  specimen  of  front-shield  that  I secured.  The  central  part 
( a ),  which  measures  10.5  cm.  in  diameter,  consists  of  a yellow  centre  sur- 
rounded by  a white  section,  after  which  follows  a broad  black  section  containing 
ten  white  figures  representing  the  shaman’s  plumes.  This  section  is  bordered 
with  red  ; and  the  whole  central  part  represents,  as  usual,  the  Sun  specially, 
accentuating  in  this  case  his  shamanistic  powers.  Outside  of  the  central  part 
is  an  elaborate  system  of  variously  colored  figures  on  a white  background,  as 
follows:  — ( b ) A water-serpent  called  Tate'  Yula'ma,  a Mother  of  water  in  the 


I 20 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


north,  that  appears  in  the  beginning  of  the  wet  season.  The  real  serpent  is 
green  in  color,  but  is  here  represented  with  black  body,  and  yellow  mouth,  eye, 
and  belly.  Its  numerous  legs,  mostly  with  joints,  are  in  black,  red,  and  yellow. 
(c)  Another  water-serpent  representing  Tate'  Rapawiye'ma,  Mother  of  water  in  the 
south.  It  is  also  green,  and  appears  in  the  wet  season.  Its  body  is  colored 
black,  and  the  mouth  and  eye  red.  The  legs  are  similar  to  those  of  b,  although 
the  arrangement  of  colors  varies  slightly,  (7)  A moving  serpent  without  legs. 
It  is  pictured  in  black  with  yellow  mouth,  and  from  its  neck  backward  protrude 
two  equidistant  horns,  — the  upper  one  red,  and  the  lower  black.  This  is  the 
serpent  Mother,  Kyewimo'ka,  in  reality  green  ; and  the  horns  are  plumes,  — in 
this  case,  to  speak  with  the  Indians,  “the  children  of  the  serpent.”  ( e , _/)  Two 
human  figures  holding  in  each  hand  a yellow  cross.  One  of  them  has  on  a yellow 
girdle.  They  represent  the  two  children,  called  ai'keli,  or  a'keli  (a  corruption  of 
the  Spanish  augeles),  who  play  an  important  part  at  raki-making  feasts.  They, 
together  with  the  shaman,  lead  the  people  in  the  procession  which,  at  intervals 
during  the  night,  passes  around  the  ox  that  is  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  Sun.  After 
the  shaman  come  the  ai'keli,  then  one  or  two  violin-players,  and  then  the  people, 
two  by  two.  The  two  children  are  in  full  ceremonial  dress,  with  shaman’s  plumes 
tied  to  their  heads  by  pretty  hair-ribbons  ; and  each  carries  a lighted  candle,  and 
a votive  bowl  containing  chocolate  and  bread.  One  of  them  carries  on  top 
of  the  bowl  the  knife  with  which  the  ox  is  to  be  killed.  One  of  the  children 
belongs  to  Father  Sun  (Tayau'),  and  the  other  to  Grandfather  Fire.  Early 
in  the  morning,  before  sunrise,  they  finally  lead  the  procession  to  the  ox  ; and 
the  food-sacrifices  which  they  carry,  as  well  as  the  knife,  are  first  offered  to 
the  Sun  at  the  moment  when  he  appears  above  the  horizon,  whereupon  the  ox 
is  killed.  The  feast  continues  for  two  nights  more,  during  which  the  same 
children  carry  chocolate  and  bread  offerings  to  other  gods  who  must  be  appeased 
at  night ; for  instance,  to  Mother  East-Water.  These  two  children  are  also  im- 
portant figures  at  the  ceremonies  attending  the  arrival  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers 
at  the  temple,  receiving  in  a handkerchief  those  hi'kuli  which  are  to  be  placed  as 
an  offering  to  Grandfather  Fire,  (g)  A mountain-lion  in  dark  blue.  (//)  A 
tiger,  black  and  partly  blue,  with  a longitudinal  white  and  red  stripe  on  the  body. 
(7)  A wolf,  in  black,  with  tail  characteristically  hanging  down.  (/)  A tiger,  the 
body  black  and  partly  blue,  with  squares  of  white,  yellow,  and  red,  intended 
for  spots,  (k)  A pair  of  shaman’s  plumes.  Another  pair  is  between  and  i.  (/) 
Variously  colored  butterflies,  represented  by  a great  number  of  diamond-shaped 
figures,  most  of  them  in  one  long  row,  placed  on  a line  concentric  with  the 
circumference  of  the  shield.  They  belong  to  Mother  West-Water,  (m)  Small 
‘insects’  called  Tate'  Ma'toli,  or  Tate'  Mau'tuli,  mentioned  on  p.  118.  The  ma- 
jority of  those  pictured  are  colored  red,  four  only  being  in  black.  There  is  also 
one  isolated  red  one  between  g and  h. 

The  Sun,  which  as  usual  is  specially  designed  in  the  central  part,  is  here 
again  implored  for  rain.  The  different  animals  belonging  to  him  are  asked  to 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 2 I 


help  make  the  prayer  effective.  The  shamanistic  powers  of  the  Sun,  symbolized 
by  the  two  pairs  of  plumes,  will  help  to  bring  about  the  desired  result.  The 
sacrifice  of  an  ox,  symbolized  by  the  two  assisting  children,  is  brought  forward  as 
an  inducement  to  grant  the  favor  of  rain,  which  is  pictured  as  coming  from  north, 
south,  and  west.  With  the  wet  season  is  associated  the  appearance  of  butterflies 
and  red  and  black  insects. 

The  arrow  to  which  the  shield  is  attached  has  a rearshaft  a little  thicker 
than  that  of  the  bow-arrow,  and  is  wound  with  sinew  at  the  shoulder.  It 
measures  in  its  entire  length  62  cm.,  the  rearshaft  being  34.8  cm.  long,  and  the 
foreshaft  27.2  cm. 

10.  This  shield  (Fig.  127)  is  of  somewhat  irregular  form,  and  slightly  um- 
brella-shaped, because  no  bamboo  cross  is  interwoven  to  keep  it  flat.  Groups  of 
splints  have  been  interwoven 
at  several  places,  and  there  are 
a number  of  open  radial  spaces 
of  irregular  lengths.  Some  of 
them  extend  from  near  the 
centre  to  the  narrow  border 
that  forms  the  edge,  and  oth- 
ers are  farther  from  the  cen- 
tre. The  whole  shield  may 
thus  be  said  to  be  divided  into 
various  irregular  sections. 

In  the  two  larger  ones, 
which  are  opposite  each  other, 
are  two  figures  in  red  on  a 
white  ground.  One  represents 
a puma,  and  the  other  a spread 
eagle  with  head  in  profile.  In 
front  of  the  puma,  but  sepa- 
rated from  it,  except  at  two 
places,  by  a narrow  unwoven 
space,  is  a radial  section  of 
blue.  Next  to  this,  but  separated  by  a triangular  unwoven  space  which  extends  from 
near  the  centre  to  the  narrow  border,  is  a white  radial  section  with  red  transversal 
designs  on  its  lateral  borders.  On  the  side  diametrically  opposite  this  last  section, 
at  the  back  of  the  figure  of  the  puma,  are  seen  four  separated  radial  sections  of 
about  equal  size  ; the  sections,  however,  increasing  a little  in  length  towards  the 
left.  The  first  is  red,  the  second  blue,  the  third  red,  and  the  fourth  white.  The 
centre  of  the  shield  is  red,  after  which  come  concentric  bands  of  black,  white, 
dark  blue,  red,  and  yellow.  The  shield  is  bordered  by  a red  and  a white  band, 
both  very  narrow. 

Very  probably  this  shield  has  reference  to  a bird  in  its  shape.  In  the 


Fig.  127  (jkj).  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  29  cm.) 


122 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


picture  the  bird  is  seen  from  above,  the  puma  being  on  the  right,  and  the  eagle 
on  the  left.  One  wing  was  made  larger  than  the  other  for  convenience.  The 
four  radial  sections  of  different  sizes  on  top  are  indications  of  the  head  with  its 
various  colors,  and  the  blue  radial  section  to  one  side  of  the  tail  may  be  the 
lower  part  of  the  tail.  In  such  a case  the  maker  intended  to  give  the  shield  the 
appearance  of  the  eagle  that  holds  the  world  in  her  talons, — Young  Mother 
Eagle,  who,  according  to  one  tradition,  is  the  mother  of  the  Sun.  The  two 
animals  belong  to  the  Sun,  and  the  prayers  indicated  are  for  life. 

11.  Fig.  128  presents  a round  front-shield  attached  to  an  arrow.  It  is 
made,  however,  in  a manner  slightly  different  from  that  of  the  specimens 

hitherto  described.  A circular  space  in  the  centre, 
about  5 cm.  in  diameter,  is  not  interwoven,  and  the 
inner  ends  of  the  splints,  as  well  as  the  ‘cross’  of 
the  shield,  are  visible.  Two  small  hoops  of  some 
strong,  flexible,  light-colored  wood,  about  4 mm. 
broad,  are  put  around  the  outer  edge  of  this  space, 
one  on  each  side  of  the  shield.  These  hoops  are 
kept  in  place  and  bound  firmly  together  by  cords 
at  four  equidistant  points,  and  give  the  central  part 
of  the  shield  the  appearance  of  a wheel,  the  hoops 
forming  the  tire.  The  cords  which  connect  the  two 
hoops  pass  round  the  arms  of  the  cross.  The  col- 
ored crewel  is  arranged  in  narrow  concentric  sec- 
tions, varying  somewhat  in  width,  the  colors  being 
white,  red,  yellow,  and  blue.  A hawk-feather  is 
tied  to  the  cross  in  the  middle  by  means  of  white 
cotton  twine,  the  twine  being  fastened  to  the  quill 
in  the  same  way  as  to  feathers  attached  to  arrows 

(p.  88). 

The  shield  is  a representation  of  Father  Sun 
(DkY,Iitcmo)l  Front'Shield  of  Father  Sun-  and  his  colors.  At  the  same  time  it  may  be  con- 
sidered par  excelle7ice  a Sun  shield,  being  provided 
with  a hole,  through  which  he  looks.  The  cross  in  the  middle  signifies  the  earth 
upon  which  he  looks  down  ; and  the  hawk-feather  attached  to  it  has  the  usual 
meaning  of  magic  powers.  The  shield  is  a prayer  for  health  and  life. 

The  arrow  to  which  it  is  attached  measures  in  its  entire  length  54.9  cm., 
the  rearshaft  being  38.5  cm.  long,  and  the  foreshaft  16.4  cm.  There  are  no 
feathers  on  the  ‘ winged  ’ part,  and  the  bands  of  color  on  it,  though  very  in- 
distinct, are  blue  and  red. 

12.  The  next  shield  (Fig.  129),  which  is  octagonal  in  shape,  has  one  hoop 
in  the  middle  ; but  the  arms  of  the  cross,  which  may  be  recognized,  and  also  the 
splints,  pass  through  tiny  holes  in  the  hoop,  leaving  a central  opening  about  7 cm. 
in  diameter.  This  makes  the  shield  firm. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


123 


Inside  of  the  central  opening,  three  and  three  of  the  splints  on  opposite  sides 
are  interwoven,  on  the  one  side  with  light  yellow  crewel,  and  on  the  other  side 
with  blue  thread.  Thus  this  inner  circle  is  divided  into  four  parts, — two  covered, 
and  two  open.  On  the  central  part,  traces  of  blood  are  seen.  There  is  one 
section  of  red  next  to  the  hoop.  The  rest  of  the  shield  is  white,  with  one  nar- 
row green  and  yellow  section  in  it. 

The  section  of  weaving  which  surrounds  the  hoop  is  woven  double,  the  color 
on  one  side  being  red,  and  on  the  other  side  white.  It  may  thus  be  considered 
a double  front-shield.  It  expresses  a prayer  for  health  and  life. 


Fig.  129  (53V).  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (19  cm.  between 
opposite  corners.) 


Fig.  130  ($G25g).  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam,,  21  cm.) 


13.  The  specimen  seen  in  Fig.  130  is  made  from  the  usual  materials,  and  is 
in  the  form  of  a dodecagon,  but  is  slightly  modified  by  having  a disk  of  pine-bark 
placed  in  the  middle,  into  the  edge  of  which  the  pointed  ends  of  the  pieces  of 
split  bamboo  are  stuck.  From  the  centre  of  the  bark  to  the  end  of  the  splints  is 
about  11  cm. 

There  is  one  peculiar  feature  about  this  shield  : three  of  the  splints  are  inter- 
woven for  only  about  half  their  length  (from  the  edge  inward)  ; for  the  rest  of 
their  length  they  are  put  loosely  through  the  crewel,  and  not  stuck  into  the  bark. 
The  meaning  of  this  I do  not  know. 

The  colors,  which  are  white,  red,  yellow,  and  blue,  are  arranged  in  concen- 
tric sections,  but  without  any  other  intention  than  that  of  signifying  the  Sun  with 
his  colors.  The  splints  project  considerably  beyond  the  edge  of  the  weaving  ; 
and  these  ends  are  all  wound  with  cotton-wool,  symbolic  of  clouds.  In  the  yel- 
low section  the  crewel  has  been  joined  at  ten  different  places.  Whether  this  has 
any  significance  or  not,  I cannot  tell.  The  probability  is  that  the  maker  was  short 
of  material,  because  the  inner  part  of  this  yellow  section  is  made  up  of  a different 
kind  of  thread  from  that  used  in  the  outer  one.  The  shield  is  a prayer  for  rain. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 24 


14.  The  last  of  the  Sun  shields  to  be  mentioned  (Fig.  131)  has  also  a solid 
central  part,  into  which  the  points  of  the  splints  have  been  firmly  placed  ; but  in 
this  case  it  is  oval  in  shape,  and  made  of  wood.  The  shield  is  slightly  umbrella- 
shaped, the  front  being  convex. 

One  peculiarity  about  this  shield  is  that  an  open  space  of  about  2 cm.  is  left 
all  round  at  about  the  middle  of  the  splints,  thus  dividing  the  surface  into  two 
distinct  parts,  — an  outer  and  an  inner.  The  splints  in  this  open  space  are 

wound  with  crewel.  Only 
half  of  the  splints  extend  to 
the  centre,  the  rest  being  but 
half  as  long  as  the  others. 
These  short  pieces  are  inserted 
in  the  outer  half  of  the  shield, 
and  alternate  with  the  long 
ones.  Both  the  short  and  the 
long  splints  protrude  from  2 
cm.  to  3 cm.  beyond  the  edge, 
where  they  were  covered  with 
white  cotton-wool,  but  most  of 
it  has  been  lost. 

The  colors  include  almost 
all  the  colors  of  the  rainbow, 
arranged  in  concentric  sec- 
tions, red  and  green  being  the 
most  prominent.  The  oval- 
shaped piece  of  wood  in  the 
centre  is  decorated  on  both 
sides  with  strings  of  glass 
beads  of  various  colors  stuck  on  with  beeswax.  On  the  outer  side  is  a Latin  cross  ; 
and  on  the  inner,  a figure  like  a Greek  cross,  which  represents  the  four  quarters  of 
the  world.  The  latter  consists  of  a network  of  strings  of  beads,  which  formerly 
served  as  an  ear-ornament.  A yellow  cord  is  attached  for  suspending  the  shield. 

This  shield  was  made  for  me  by  a Huichol,  whom  I furnished  with  the 
crewel.  It  is  a prayer  for  rain. 

Front-Shield  of  the  Corn  Mother  (Tate'  Otegana'ica  Neali'ka).  — 
In  the  accompanying  illustration  (Fig.  132)  is  represented  the  only  specimen  in 
the  collection,  of  a front-shield  belonging  to  the  Corn  Mother.  It  was  obtained 
from  her  god-house  at  Teaka'ta  near  Santa  Catarina,  and  is  umbrella-shaped, 
although  rather  irregular  in  outline.  On  it  are  seen  the  following  designs:- — 
(a)  A serpent  called  Hai'ke  yoawi'me,  in  green  (blue).  ( b ) The  banks  of  a 
pool  of  water  in  which  the  serpent  is  supposed  to  be,  represented  by  a double 
ring,  — the  inner  one  red,  the  outer  green,  (r)  A blue  cow  (vaca  hakwi'aka,  i.  e., 


Fig.  131  (jsi)*  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  43  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


!25 


‘cow  to  make  it  rain’),  (d)  A yellow  cow  (rutu'li  [flower]  uima'li  [girl]). 
(e)  A red  cow  (hakwi'aka  [to  make  it  rain]  ruleme  [red],  i.  e.,  ‘ red  cow  to  make 
it  rain’).  (/)  The  fields  on  which  the  cows  walk,  in  blue  and  black,  (g)  The 
‘ eyes  ’ of  various  gods,  represented  in  various  colors,  which  indicate  as  many 
kinds  of  corn.  The  white  ‘eyes  ’ are  corn  belonging  to  Mother  West- Water  ; the 
red  ‘eyes,’  corn  belonging  to  Mother  East-Water;  and  the  blue  ‘eyes,’  corn  be- 
longing to  the  Corn  Mother,  (/z)  Two  black  serpents  called  Bai  lee  yu'wime. 

This  shield  is  a prayer  for  rain  and  corn.  From  it  we  may  also  infer  that 
the  Huichols  consider  cows  almost  as  important  sacrifices  as  deer. 


Fig.  132.  Fig.  133. 

Fig.  132  (xf-l-ff).  Front-Shield  of  the  Corn  Mother.  (Longest  radius,  14  cm.) 
Fig.  133  (rc5c).  Front-Shield  of  Mother  East-Water.  (Diam.,  26.5  cm.) 


Front-Shields  of  Mother  East-Water  (Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  Neali'ka). 
— I present  eight  of  them.  Some  were  obtained  from  the  western  side  of  the 
river,  the  San  Andres  side,  but  the  most  interesting  are  from  the  famous  cave  of 
this  Mother  near  Santa  Catarina.  This  place  is  called  Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  Sinau- 
li'ta,  or  Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  Si'liki  (‘god-house’). 

1.  The  first  (Fig.  133)  was  obtained  from  the  above-mentioned  cave.  The 
central  figure  in  white  represents  four  clouds  that  are  rising  ; and  the  four  figures 
surrounding  these,  four  birds  that  are  soaring  above  the  clouds.  The  two  darker 
figures  represent  red  birds,  called  Ista'me  rule'me  ; and  the  other  two,  blue 
birds,  called  Ista'me  yoawi'me.  Both  are  species  of  swifts.  The  cross-shaped 
figures  in  the  succeeding  section  represent  corn  of  various  colors,  — red,  yellow, 
and  blue.  A representation  of  Mother  East-Water  herself  is  shown  by  the  zigzag 
band  in  blue  and  red.  It  is  a river  (ai'ki),  Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  ai'kiria,  or,  what 
is  the  same  thing,  a serpent.  The  nine  triangular-shaped  figures  between  the 


126 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


head  and  tail  of  the  serpent  represent  as  many  hi'kuli  in  various  colors.  They 
are  symbolic  of  corn.  The  prayer  embodied  here  is  for  rain  and  for  health. 

2.  On  another  specimen  from  the 
same  place  (Fig.  134)  are  seen  the  fol- 
lowing designs:  — (a)  Butterflies,  (b) 
Five  humming-birds,  three  in  blue  and 
two  in  red.  ( c ) A boy.  (d)  A girl. 

These  are  ai'keli  of  Mother  East-Water 
(see  Fig.  126 , e,  f).  When  questioning 
my  informant  of  the  meaning  of  these  de- 
signs on  this  occasion,  he  said  that  they 
were  te'wi  ( ‘ people  ' (), — an  interesting 
word,  although  not  explaining  my  ques- 
tion. (<?)  The  ox  sacrificed,  (f)  A 
serpent  manifestation  of  Mother  East- 
Water,  called  Haira'ku,  represented  in 
black.  (£-)  A serpent  called  Tate'  Ipou, 
another  representation  of  Mother  East- 
Water,  pictured  in  red  with  spots.  (/z) 
serpent  Mother  as  a river  (Tate'  Naali- 


Fig.  134  LSIs)- 

27  cm.) 


Front-Shield  of  Mother  East-Water.  (Diam. 


Another  serpent  representing  the 


There  are,  all  together,  five  serpents  which 


wa'mi  ai'kiria),  in  red  and  black, 
are  Mother  East- Water.  (z) 

Grains  of  corn  of  various  colors. 

This  is  the  interpretation  given 
by  my  Indian  informants  (cf 
Figs.  125,  126  \m\,  and  others, 
where  similar  figures  represent 
certain  small  insects  called  ma'- 
toli,  or,  more  correctly,  Tate' 

[Mother  | Ma'toli).  From  this  it 
is  evident  that  these  small  red 
and  black  insects  of  the  wet  sea- 
son represent  corn.  Therefore 
they  are  here  given  additional 
colors.  (/)  A double  drinking- 
gourd,  called  topoli'r  or  kurau'li. 

It  is  a natural  growth,  but  re- 
sembles two  gourds,  one  above 
the  other,  connected  by  a slender 
neck.  These  gourds  are  es- 
teemed as  ‘ medicine,’  and  are 

magic.  The  hi'kuli-seekers  use  such  on  their  journey,  both  to  drink  from  and 
to  carry  home  the  sacred  water  in. 


e-- 


c'  1 h 

Fig.  135  (iffy)*  Front-Shield  of  Mother  East-Water.  (Diam.,  32.5  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


127 


The  shield  expresses  a prayer  for  rain,  referring  to  the  sacrifice  of  an  ox  at 
the  feast.  The  result  would  be  rain,  symbolized  by  the  various  water-serpents, 
which  are  all  different  impersonations  of  Mother  East-Water.  The  shield  is  also 
a prayer  for  luck  in  raising  gourds  and  corn. 

3.  A third  front-shield,  from  the  same  cave,  is  seen  in  Fig.  135.  It  had  been 
deposited  by  hi'kuli-seekers  when  leaving  a sacrifice  of  the  plants  there.  On  it  are 
seen: — (a)  Various  hi'knli,  some  black,  some  red.  ( b ) Seven  humming-birds, 
two  in  yellow,  the  rest  black,  (r)  Four  men  (hi'kuli-seekers),  one  at  each  of  the 
four  quarters  of  the  world,  arranged  in  opposite  pairs,  one  pair  being  red,  and 
one  pair  black.  One  of  the  men  is  almost  completely  hidden  by  a paper  flower. 

(d)  Three  double  drinking-gourds,  — one  red,  one  dark  blue,  and  one  yellow. 

( e ) Three  cross-like  figures — one  red,  one  yellow,  one  black — symbolic  of  corn. 

(_/)  The  original  cereal  of  the  Huichols  and  of  the  gods  (wa've),  represented  by 
two  adjoining  streaks,  one  red  and  one  yellow.  (^)  The  ‘insect’  called  Tate' 
Ma'toli  (p.  1 1 8).  (//)  A kind  of  swift,  Ista'me,  half  black  and  half  yellow.  A 

paper  flower  from  the  Mexican  stores  is  attached  to  the  front  part  of  the  shield, 
near  the  edge. 

The  prayer  here  expressed  is  that  the  hi'kuli-seeker  may  be  free  from  sick- 
ness. The  hi'kuli,  which  is  represented  in  the  middle  of  the  shield,  is  also  corn. 

4.  The  round  specimen  pictured  in  Fig.  136,  which  is  from  San  Andres,  is 
somewhat  similar  to  that  shown  in  Fig.  128,  in  that  its  central  part  is  made  in 
exactly  the  same  way  ; but  the  space  enclosed  by  the 
hoop  is  in  this  case  smaller,  2.5  cm.  in  diameter.  This 
central  part  signifies  the  world.  The  rest  of  the  shield 
differs  materially  in  design.  Immediately  surrounding 
the  central  ‘ wheel  ’ is  a well-woven  section  extending 
to  the  ends  of  the  splints.  Next  to  the  hoop  is  a nar- 
row red  ring,  then  a similar  yellow  one,  then  a dark 
blue  one.  From  this  blue  ring  radiate,  on  diametrically 
opposite  sides,  four  sections,  two  opposite  ones  being 
blue,  and  the  other  pair  red,  forming  thus  a kind  of 
cross.  The  four  sections  between  the  arms  of  the 
cross  are  colored,  two  yellow  and  two  white,  in  oppo- 
site pairs.  This  whole  section  outside  of  the  hoop  and 
adjoining  rings  may  be  looked  upon  as  representing 
eight  rays  of  various  colors,  being  emblematic  of  the 
colors  of  the  rainbow  which  this  goddess,  who  is  one 
of  the  principal  Mothers  of  rain,  sends  during  the  wet  Fig  136  Front-shield  of  Mother 

11  0 East-Water.  (Diam.,  10.5  cm.) 

season.  It  is  surrounded  by  a narrow  white  ring, 

followed  by  a broader  one  consisting  of  alternate  blue  and  red  radial  sections, 
symbolizing  rain.  The  companion  of  the  rainbow  is  thus  seen  in  the  sym- 
bol of  rain  surrounding  it.  Finally  comes  a narrow  white  band,  followed  by  a 
yellow  one  on  the  edge.  The  shield  is  a prayer  for  rain. 


128 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


It  is  attached  to  the  middle  of  the  rearshaft  of  a ceremonial  arrow,  being- 
bound  to  the  upper  black  band  with  a white  cotton  cord.  The  arrow  measures 
in  its  entire  length  53  cm.,  the  rearshaft  being  31  cm.  long,  and  the  foreshaft  22  cm. 
Its  rearshaft  is  somewhat  thinner  than  that  of  the  bow-arrow,  and  is  wound  with 
sinew  at  the  shoulder. 

In  the  next  four  figures  (Figs.  1 37-140)  are  shown  front-shields  information 
about  which  is  lacking  both  in  regard  to  their  significance  and  the  object  of  their 
prayers. 


Fig.  137  (&%).  Front-Shield  of  Mother  East-Water. 
(Diam.,  17.5  cm.) 


Fig.  138  (#5%).  Front-Shield  of  Mother  East- 
Water.  (Diam.,  16  cm.) 


5.  Fig.  137,  procured  from  one  of  the  god-houses  of  the  temple  in  Bastita 
(the  northern  temple),  is  made  from  pieces  of  coarse  straw  interwoven  with 
white  and  black  wool.  Going  from  the  outer  edge  towards  the  centre,  the 
weaving  covers  about  one-third  the  length  of  the  straws.  There  is  first  a 
broad  white,  and  then  a narrow  black  ring,  followed  by  a narrow  white  one. 
After  this,  two  and  two  (in  two  cases  three  and  three)  of  the  straws  are  inter- 
woven in  ten  radial  sections  with  open  spaces  between.  Two  of  these  sections 
are  twice  as  broad  as  the  others,  but  probably  for  no  other  reason  than  a lack  of 
calculation  on  the  part  of  the  maker.  The  color  of  the  sections  is  alternately 
white  and  black,  — five  black  and  five  white.  This  is  of  significance,  since,  as 
will  be  remembered,  five  is  the  mystical  number  of  the  Huichols.  In  one  section 
blue  has  been  used  instead  of  black.  After  these  radial  sections,  the  rest  of  the 
straws  are  entirely  interwoven  to  the  centre, — about  a third  of  their  length. 
The  central  part  shows  first  a narrow  white  and  then  a narrow  black  band, 
followed  by  a large  white  centre.  Traces  of  blood  may  be  seen  on  the  shield. 
It  was  evidently  once  attached  to  an  arrow. 

6.  Fig.  138  shows  an  octagonal  front-shield  from  San  Andres.  It  is  woven 
in  concentric  sections.  The  centre  is  blue,  surrounded  by  sections  of  white, 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 29 


yellow,  and  blue,  which  are  once  repeated,  finishing  off  with  a white  section. 
The  front  is  smeared  with  a little  blood. 

The  shield  is  attached  by  a cotton  cord  to  the  rearshaft  of  a ceremonial 
arrow,  which  measures  in  its  entire  length  50  cm.,  the  rearshaft  being  27.2  cm. 
long,  and  the  foreshaft  22.8  cm.  Unlike  the  majority  of  ceremonial  arrows, 
its  upper  end  is  not  nocked,  but  cut  off  even.  There  are  no  feathers  on  its 
‘winged’  part. 

7.  The  next  specimen  (Fig.  139),  also  from  San  Andres,  consists  of  ten 
pieces  of  split  bamboo  placed  together  like  the  spokes  of  a wheel,  and  inter- 
woven in  the  usual  way,  but  so  as  to  form  a decagon.  The 
inner  ends  are  pointed,  and  have  been  stuck  round  and 
into  the  edge  of  a disk  made  of  a kind  of  cork  cut  from  a 
parasitic  growth  on  a tree.  This  makes  the  shield  firm. 
The  cork  is  surrounded  by  sections  of  different  colored 
crewel,  the  most  prominent  colors  being  red  and  blue 
(green  being  the  same  as  blue  to  the  Indian).  Only  half 
of  the  length  of  the  ‘spokes’  has  been  interwoven  in  this 
way,  leaving  the  splints  to  protrude  about  2 cm.  beyond 
the  weaving. 

It  is  attached  to 
the  broad  black  band 
on  the  middle  of  the 
rearshaft  of  a cere- 
monial arrow  by  a 
cotton  cord.  The  ar- 
row measures  in  its 
entire  length  47.8 
cm.,  the  rearshaft  be- 
ing 29.2  cm.  long,  and 
the  foreshaft  18.6  cm. 

There  are  no  feath- 
ers on  the  ‘ winged  ’ 
part.  This  arrow, 
however,  differs  from 
all  the  other  ceremo- 
nial arrows  in  the  fol- 
lowing respect  : it  has  tied  to  the  broad  black  band  in  the 
centre  of  its  rearshaft,  with  red  yarn,  crosswise,  a hollow  piece  of  reed  about  8 cm. 
long,  nocked  at  both  ends,  but  not  plugged.  One  side  of  this  piece  is  painted 
red  with  zigzag  markings,  and  the  other  one  blue  with  similar  markings.  It  is  an 
additional  ‘winged’  part  (cf.  Fig.  150). 

8.  The  last  front-shield  of  Mother  East-Water  to  be  noted  (Fig.  140)  is  in 
the  form  of  a hexagon,  and  was  obtained  from  the  same  place  as  the  two 


Fig.  139  (?635g).  Front-Shield  of 
Mother  East- Water.  (Diam.,  13.5 
cm.) 


Fig.  140  (5635g).  Front-Shield  of  Mother  East-Water. 
(Diam.,  17  cm.) 


130 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


preceding  specimens.  The  central  part  is  white  ; then  follow  sections  of  red, 
brown,  white,  and  red. 

Front-Shields  of  Mother  West-Water  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ka  Neali'ka). 
— The  two  front-shields  of  Mother  West-Water  shown  here  were  taken  from  the 
famous  cave  of  this  Mother,  near  the  Cora  pueblo  of  San  Francisco,  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Tepic. 

i.  The  first  specimen  (Fig.  141)  is  much  more  artistically  executed  than 
the  second.  It  is  made,  as  usual,  of  split  bamboo  and  different  colored  crewels. 

In  the  centre  is  a white 
section  of  an  irregular 
square  shape,  surround- 
ed by  a narrow  black 
section,  which  again 
is  followed  by  a nar- 
row white  one.  Round 


Fig.  142  (555).  Front-Shield  of  Mother 
West-Water.  (Diam.,  n cm.) 

this  central  part,  and  emanating  from  it,  are  seen  on  a white  background  numer- 
ous wavy  lines  in  black,  brown,  blue,  red,  and  yellow,  representing  the  various 
colors  of  the  serpents,  which  to  the  Indians  are  showers,  in  this  case  coming 
from  the  west.  Towards  the  edge  is  seen  a figure  a little  different  from  the  rest, 
representing  what  seems  most  like  the  head  of  a serpent,  — Mother  West-Water 
herself.  Conspicuous  among  the  wavy  figures  are  three  red  and  three  yellow 
serpentine  lines  following  each  other  in  alternate  sections  of  yellow  and  red,  and 
occupying  a little  more  than  a half-segment  of  the  disk.  There  is  a narrow 
border  of  alternate  black  and  white  short  radial  stripes  on  the  edge  of  the  shield, 
symbolic  of  rain,  and  the  splints  project  about  2 cm.  all  round  beyond  the  weav- 
ing. braces  of  blood  may  be  seen  on  the  front  or  smooth  side  of  the  shield. 
The  object  of  its  prayers  is  plainly  indicated  as  rain. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS.  I31 

2.  The  second  specimen  (Fig.  142)  also  has  a white  centre,  surrounded  by 
a ring  of  blue.  The  rest  of  the  shield  consists  of  stripes  of  red,  white,  dark  blue, 
yellow,  and  black,  all  making  a kind  of  complex  spiral  suggestive  of  a rotary 
motion.  As  it  was  found  in  the  cave  specially  dedicated  to  this  Mother,  there 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  it  belongs  to  her,  and  the  shield  would  then  signify 
the  movement  of  water  in  a whirlpool.  One  Indian,  however,  expressed  to  me 
the  opinion  that  it  belonged  to  the  Sun. 

It  is  attached  to  a ceremonial  arrow  by  a piece  of  blue  yarn.  The  arrow, 
which  is  broken  in  two,  measures  in  its  entire  length  54  cm.,  the  rearshaft  being 
30.6  cm.  long,  and  the  foreshaft  23.4  cm.  There  are  no  feathers  on  the 
‘ winged  ’ part. 

SPECIAL  FRONT-SHIELDS. 

The  front-shields  hitherto  treated  are  round,  at  least  in  their  general 
characteristics,  and  they  are  all  made  from  the  same  material,  — bamboo  and  cot- 
ton cord  or  yarn  ; but  I shall  now  present  a number  of  these  symbolic  objects, 
some  of  which  are  of  peculiar  shape,  and  all  of  them  of  a material  different  from 
that  hitherto  shown.  Some  are  made  of  solidified  volcanic  ash  or  wood,  and  the 
rest  present  more  abnormal  features  in  regard  to  both  shape  and  purpose. 

First  of  all  is  to  be  mentioned  a peculiar  ceremonial  arrangement  which  I 
met  with  in  the  temple  of  Santa  Catarina,  and  which  represents  the  waxing  and 
the  waning  moon.  Underneath  the  smoky  roof  of  the  temple,  in  the  dim  light 
which  pervades  the  place,  I one  day  discovered  a curious  symbolic  object  which 
the  Indians  said  represented  Me'tsa,  the  moon.  It  was  called  Me'tsa  neali'ka, 
and  was  a representation  of  the  waxing  moon.  Through  their  assistance  I also 
found  out  that  there  was  a corresponding  object  on  the  other  side  of  the  roof, 
representing  the  waning  moon.  After  considering  the  matter  a few  days,  the 
Indians  consented  to  sell  me  these  objects,  which  appeared  to  me  especially 
interesting,  representing  as  they  do  two  phases  of  the  moon.  They  were  made 
by  order  of  the  singing  shaman  seven  years  ago,  when  the  new  temple  was  being 
erected,  as  a means  for  causing  rain,  the  Indians  having  been  in  sore  straits  for 
rain  that  year.  The  result  was,  according  to  the  Indians,  that  considerable  rain 
fell,  the  moon  being  supposed  to  have  much  influence  in  bringing  it.  The 
objects  are  very  sooty,  but  their  details  may  still  very  easily  be  made  out. 

Representation  of  the  Waxing  Moon  (Me'tsa  Neali'ka),  Fig.  143. — 
This  was  hanging  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  temple,  over  the  entrance,  under- 
neath the  roof,  at  about  3 metres  from  the  ground.  It  is  not  quite  circular  in 
shape,  although  no  doubt  meant  to  be.  It  consists  of  a bamboo  hoop  1.5  cm.  in 
width,  to  the  inside  of  which  a crescent  cut  from  a piece  of  walnut-wood,  1.5  cm. 
thick,  is  glued.  The  space  between  the  crescent  and  the  rest  of  the  hoop  is 
covered  with  a network  of  cotton  thread.  The  name  of  the  whole  net  is  wi'ta 
(‘cotton  thread’).  Wads  of  cotton-wool  are  fastened  all  round  the  edge  of 


132 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


the  hoop,  at  short  distances  apart,  by  means  of  beeswax.  To  the  middle  of  the 
netting  is  fastened  a piece  of  wax,  suggesting  that  a wad  of  cotton-wool  was 
once  attached  there.  A loop  of  red  bark-fibre  is  fastened  to  the  middle  of  the 
netting  on  one  side,  passing  through  the  middle  meshes.  By  this  the  object 
was  hung  to  the  roof.  On  the  front  side  of  the  wood  is  an  irregular  oval  figure 
made  of  coils  of  strings  of  red  and  light-colored  beads.  It  is  a special  neali'ka. 
The  whole  object  is  made  from  a continuous  cord,  and  resembles  a fishing-net ; 
but,  as  in  the  netted  shield,  the  threads  are  twisted  instead  of  knotted.  It  was 
evidently  begun  at  the  circumference,  and  worked  spirally  towards  the  centre, 
resembling  in  this  respect,  according  to  Cushing,  the  webs  of  the  Zuni  water- 
shields,  like  those  which  the  spider  can  spin  and  unravel  at  will.  My  Indian 
informants  said,  however,  that  this  net  represented  a fishing-net  for  catching  the 
fish  mu'ri  (Spanish,  bagre , see  Fig.  40,  a). 

The  whole  neali'ka  represents  the  new  moon,  and  expresses  a prayer  that  it 
may  bring  the  water  symbolized  by  the  fishing-net  ; the  fish  symbolizing  also,  as 
seen  before,  ears  of  corn.  As  the  fish  is  caught  in  the  net,  so  the  corn  is  secured 
by  rain. 


Fig.  143- 


Fig.  143  (ifig).  Representation  of  the  Waxing  Moon.  (Diam.,  about  24  cm.) 
Fig.  144  Representation  of  the  Waning  Moon.  (Height,  27  cm.) 


Representation  of  the  Waning  Moon  (Metse'li  Taru'rima,  ‘Coming 
to  an  End’),  big.  144.  — This  is  attached  to  a ceremonial  arrow  (Me'tsa  ulu'ya), 
which  was  stuck  into  the  roof  on  the  western  side  of  the  temple,  above  the  niche 
of  Grandfather  hire,  at  the  same  distance  from  the  ground  as  the  preceding 
specimen.  It  consists  of  a bamboo  bow,  the  ends  of  which  are  connected  by  a 
cotton  twine  about  35  cm.  long.  A second  piece  of  cotton  twine  connects  the 
middle  of  this  twine  to  the  middle  of  the  bow.  The  ends  of  the  bow  are  incised 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


133 


on  both  sides,  as  on  a real  bow,  for  convenience  in  attaching  the  twine.  The 
bow  is  slightly  damaged  and  broken.  Cotton-wool  was  tied  by  pieces  of  string 
to  seven  points,  six  of  which  remain.  A few  black  glass  beads  have  also  been 
fastened  to  the  inside  of  the  bow,  at  the  place  where  the  string  attaching  the 
wad  passes  over  it.  The  ‘winged’  part  of  the  arrow  is  of  parrot-feathers,  and 
the  plume  attached  to  it  is  from  the  red-tailed  hawk. 


Front-shield  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  NealTka),  Fig.  145. — -This  was 

taken  from  the  eod-house  of  Father  Sun  at  Teaka'ta.  It  is  a disk  of  solidified 

<_> 

volcanic  ash,  with  symbolic  figures  cut  into  it.  Both  sides  present  the  same 
carvings,  which  consist  of  a circular  figure  in  the  centre,  from  which  emanate  five 
lines  which  extend  to  the  edge,  dividing  the  surface  into  five  sections  ; in  each  of 
these  a deer  is  carved.  The  deer  have  the  following  names  : 1.  O'to  Ta'wi, 
2.  Sesota'li,  3.  Sipora'wi,  4.  Wawatsa'li,  5.  Kauyuma'li.  The  carvings  are  not 
particularly  well  executed,  and  it  is  hardly  possible  to  discern  any  difference  in 
the  appearance  of  these  deer,  or  in  the  two  sides  of  the  front-shield. 

The  central  circle  is  the  front-shield  of  the  Sun,  from  which  his  rays  ema- 
nate. The  prayer  expressed  is  that  the  Sun  may  favor  the  supplicant  by  letting 
him  kill  many  deer. 


Fig.  146  (xff-p).  Front-Shield  of  Mother  West- 
Water.  (Diam.,  7 cm.;  thickness  at  central  part, 
1.5  cm.) 


Front-shield  of  Mother  West-Water  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ica  Neali'ka), 
Fig.  146.  — This  is  of  the  same  material  as  the  one  just  described.  There  is  a 
small  hollow  in  the  centre  of  the  upper  side,  and  a carved  zigzag  line  near  the 
edge.  Traces  of  wax  remain  on  this  surface,  and  variously  colored  beads  are 
fastened  with  it.  The  other  surface  has  not  been  carved,  but  both  surfaces  are 
slightly  convex. 

Front-Shield  of  Mother  West-Water  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ica  Neali'ka), 
Fig.  147.  — This  was  taken  from  the  god-house  of  Mother  West-Water  in  Santa 
Catarina,  near  the  temple,  where  it  was  found  lying  on  the  altar.  It  consists  of 


134 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


a circular  piece  of  walnut-wood  to  which  strings  of  beads  and  variously  colored 
crewel  are  attached  in  coils  by  means  of  beeswax.  The  central  part,  which  is 
formed  wholly  of  glass  beads,  is  divided  into  two  sections,  — one  blue,  signifying 
the  sky  ; and  the  other  white,  representing  clouds.  The  whole  section  is  sur- 
rounded by  two  rings  as  well  as  by  two  adjoining  zigzag  bands,  all  made  from 
worsted  fastened  on  with  beeswax.  The  colors  are  red  and  yellow.  These 
rings  and  zigzags  represent  clouds  at  sunset.  The  coils  of  worsted,  black,  yellow, 
and  red,  represent  grains  of  corn.  To  this  central  part,  right  on  the  middle 
between  the  white  and  blue  sections,  is  attached  a large  paper  flower.  The 
front-shield  is  a prayer  for  rain. 


Fig.  147.  Fig.  148.  Fig.  149. 

Fig.  147  Cifjjff).  Front-Shield  of  Mother  West-Water.  (Diam.,  20  cm.) 

Fig.  148  (ilfs).  Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (Length,  11  cm.  ; width,  6 cm.) 

„ Fig.  149  (ejfc).  ‘ Face  ’ of  Grandmother  Growth.  (Length,  13.5  cm.) 

Front-Shield  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  Neali'ka),  Fig.  148.  — This  was 
lying  on  the  ground  in  his  god-house  at  Teaka'ta.  It  consists  of  a small  oblong 
piece  of  Brazil-wood,  flat  on  the  back,  but  convex  on  the  front  between  the  two 
long  sides,  its  thickness  being  in  the  middle  about  6 mm.,  and  on  the  sides  3 mm. 
The  front  side  is  covered  with  decorations  of  variously  colored  glass  beads,  put 
on  in  strings  with  wax.  The  colors  are  red,  white,  and  blue,  and  the  front- 
shield  is  a prayer  for  all  colors  of  corn.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  shape  of 
this  front-shield,  which  is  the  only  one  of  its  kind  that  I have  seen,  is  an  actual 
reproduction  of  another  form  of  the  ancient  shield  or  buckler  than  the  round  one. 
The  projection  on  either  side  is  due  to  the  application  of  the  wax. 

‘ Face’  of  Grandmother  Growth  (Nakawe'  Neali'ka),  Fig.  149.  — This 
was  taken  from  her  large  cave  in  the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Catarina.  It  is  an 
oval  mask  made  from  the  bark  of  a certain  tree.  Long  narrow  eyes  and  a mouth 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


135 


with  teeth  have  been  cut  out.  Five  teeth  are  represented  in  the  upper  jaw,  and 
two  in  the  lower.  A hole  is  pierced  on  each  side  and  on  the  top  of  the  mask, 
towards  the  edge.  The  teeth,  the  corners  of  the  mouth,  and  the  eyelids,  are 
painted  red.  Outside  of  the  red,  the  eyes  and  the  mouth  are  painted  blue  ; and 
red  and  blue  spots  are  seen  all  over  the  face,  symbolic  of  grains  of  corn  in 
its  various  colors.  Seven  bits  of  cotton-wool  are  fastened  to  different  parts 
of  the  face,  emblematic  of  rain.  The  prayer  expressed  is  thus  for  rain,  and 
indirectly  for  corn. 

‘Face’  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  NealTka),  Fig. 
150.  — This  was  obtained  from  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother,  near  the  temple  of 
Guayavas,  near  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres.  It  consists  of  three  pieces  of  bamboo 
reeds,  nocked  at  each  end,  one  a little  longer  than  the  other  two,  strung  on 
a cotton  twine  the  ends  of  which  are  tied  together  so  that  the  three  reeds  form  a 

triangle.  The  pieces  are  not  of  the  same 

A thickness,  showing  that  no  importance 

is  placed  on  the  size  of  the  reed.  The 
longest  is  painted  brown  (red)  ; the 
other  two  are  painted,  one  half  of  the 
length  brown  (red),  and  the  other  half 
green  (blue);  and  all  have,  besides,  longi- 
tudinal zigzag  markings  and  lines.  In 
one  case  the  brown  (red)  part  comes 
next  to  the  longest  side,  and  in  the  other 

Fig.  150  (Ai).  ‘ Face’ of  Elder  Brother.  . . 

(Length  of  the  longest  reed,  about  10  cm.)  case  the  green  (blue)  part.  1 he  speci- 
men represents  the  outlines  of  a deer’s 
face  (or  head)  seen  from  the  front.  It  was  deposited  by  a hunter 
to  secure  good  luck.  The  three  parts  which  constitute  the  cere- 
monial object  are  each  the  ‘winged’  part  of  an  ordinary  arrow, 
representing  thus  three  arrows.  The  colors  are  those  of  fire  and 
of  smoke.  (Cf  Figs.  96  and  109.) 

‘ Face’  of  a Deer  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  Neali'ka 
or  Ma'ra  Neali'ka).  — It  has  previously  been  explained  that  the 
netted  shield  is  the  ‘face’  of  a deer.  Specimens  are  shown  in 
Figs.  94  and  95,  attached  to  arrows  (see  also  Fig.  109,  d,  f). 

‘Face’  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  of  EMeV^her. (Le1^ 
Neali'ka  or  Ma'ra  Neali'ka),  Fig.  151.- — -We  have  also  seen 
that  the  ordinary  snare  for  catching  deer,  which,  in  diminutive  representation,  is 
hung  on  an  arrow,  is  a ‘ face  ’ or  appearance  of  a deer  (p.  95).  One  of  such  dimin- 
utive snares  is  here  shown.  They  are  always  attached  to  arrows,  more  gener- 
ally to  those  of  Elder  Brother,  but  I have  found  them  on  those  of  Grandfather 
Fire  and  Mother  West- Water. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 36 


Fig.  152  (iff 5).  ‘Face’  of  Mother 
West-Water.  (JDiam.,  4.5  cm.) 


‘ Face’  of  Mother  West-Water  (Tate'  Kyewi- 
mo'ka  Neali'ka),  Fig.  152. — This  is  a small  circular 
piece  of  glass,  around  the  edge  of  which  is  a sort  of 
frame  of  beeswax.  On  the  wax  on  the  front  side  are 
numerous  red  Mass  beads,  while  the  reverse  side  was 
stuck  to  a rock  in  the  cave  of  Mother  West-Water,  near 
Santa  Catarina,  where  the  object  was  probably  put  as 
a prayer  for  health,  imploring  the  Mother  to  keep  her 
eye  on  the  supplicant,  and  watch  over  him. 


‘ Appearance  ’ of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  Neali'ka), 
Fig.  153.  — This  is  a zigzag  made  of  a string  of  red  glass  beads  fastened  by  small 
daubs  of  beeswax  to  the  central  part  of  the  back  side  of  a bow.  The  bow 
is  from  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother  in  Teaka'ta,  where  it  was  lying  among 
other  ceremonial  objects  on  the  altar.  It  is  made  of  Brazil-wood,  and  furnished 
with  a cotton  string,  which  has  been  broken,  and  mended  with  hair  from  a horse’s 
tail.  The  object  was  deposited  by  a man  who  wanted  to  make  a bow,  and  is  a 
prayer  to  the  god  for  luck  in  making  it,  his  prayer  being  emphasized  by  the 
serpent  neali'ka,  which  expresses  a wish  that  it  may  be  strong.  The  ‘ picture’  is 
that  of  a rattlesnake,  which  belongs  to  Elder  Brother.  The  rattlesnake  also 
belongs  to  Father  Sun,  as  we  have  seen,  and  its  rattles  are  some- 
times attached  to  ceremonial  objects  of  both  these  gods.  The 
serpent  represents  strength,  and  the  serpent  ‘picture’  accord- 
ingly symbolizes  strength. 


Fig.  154. 


Fig.  XS3- 

Fig.  153  (iIIt)*  ‘Appearance’  of  Elder  Brother.  (Length,  27  cm. 
Fig.  154  (ifgjj).  ‘ Appearance’  of  Grandfather  Fire.  (Diam.,  4 cm.) 


‘Appearance’  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Tate' vali  Neali'ka),  Fig.  154. — It 
was  taken  from  the  cave  of  the  god  in  Teaka'ta.  It  consists  of  a Greek  cross  of 
beeswax,  to  each  side  of  which  a coil  made  from  a string  of  red  glass  beads 
is  fastened.  A somewhat  irregular  disk,  evidently  meant  to  be  round,  is  thus 
made.  It  also  symbolizes  the  heart  of  the  god  (Tate'vali  iya'li),  and  expresses  a 
prayer  that  the  god  may  direct  his  thoughts  towards  the  supplicant,  and  take  care 
of  him.  It  was  attached  to  an  arrow,  together  with  many  other  objects. 

Representation  of  the  Heart  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Tate'vali  Iya'li 
Neali'ka),  Fig.  155.  — A singular  symbolic  object  of  this  kind  is  the  one  here 
shown,  representing,  like  Fig.  154,  the  appearance  and  the  heart  of  Grandfather 
Fire.  A specimen  similar  to  this  is  hanging  under  the  roof  of  the  temple  of 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


137 


Santa  Catarina,  which  is  dedicated  to  this  god.  It  hangs  above  the  entrance, 
about  a metre  higher  than  the  me'tsa  (moon)  described  on  p.  131.  The  smoke 
from  the  fire  of  the  temple  has  made  it  as  sooty  as  the  rest  of  the  interior,  and  its 
color  is  almost  bluish.  Close  above  it  hangs  an  old  rag  made  of  ixtle  (ta'ra), 
which  is  the  ‘ bed  ’ of  the  god.  Through  the  favor  of  the  guardian  of  the  temple 
I secured  an  exact  copy  of  this  heart.  A woman  was  set  to  work  to  make  one, 
and  it  was  finished  in  the  course  of  a day.  Wa've,  the  sacred  seed  represented 
in  Fig.  135,  was  first  toasted,  then  carefully  ground  on  the  metate,  and 
finally  placed  in  a jar  and  boiled.  She  afterwards  kneaded  it  between  her  hands 
until  it  became  plastic  and  half  dry.  In  a few  hours  it  was  hard  enough  to 
be  carried.  The  object  is  chocolate-colored,  7.6  cm.  long,  and  5 cm.  thick  at  the 
broadest  point.  Through  the  narrow  end  is  strung  a cotton  thread,  by 
which  it  hangs.  Every  five  years, 
when  the  roof  and  the  symbolic 
paraphernalia  of  the  temple  are 
renewed,  a new  ‘ heart  ’ is  substi- 
tuted for  the  old  one.  Being  con- 
sidered  as  an  ‘ appearance  ’ of  the 
god,  this  symbolic  object  is  intended 
to  express  not  only  adoration  for 
the  god,  but  also  a constant  prayer 
that  he  may  be  present  with  the 
people. 


Fig.  155  (iltr).  Rep- 

resentation  of  the  Heart 
of  Grandfather  Fire. 
(Height,  8 cm.) 


‘Appearance’  or  Picture  of  Father  Sun 
(Tayau'  Neali'ka),  Fig.  156.  — This  striking  illus- 
tration of  the  Sun  is  embroidered  on  cotton-cloth.  It  forms  the  main  and  central 
decoration  on  one  side  of  a pouch,  which  is  richly  adorned  on  both  sides  with 
embroidery  of  various  patterns.  The  color  is  red  on  a white  background  ; and 
the  central  figure,  which  represents  an  ‘eye’  (si'kuli),  is  surrounded  by  a zigzag 
line  in  green.  The  rays  of  the  Sun  are  his  facial  painting. 


V.  — BACK-SHIELDS  (NA'MA). 


The  second  shield  of  the  Huichol  warrior,  which  he  wore  to  protect  his  back, 
is  to-day  as  important  a ceremonial  object  as  the  front-shield.  In  the  early  times 
of  the  world,  when  the  Sun  was  made,  the  Mothers  covered  themselves  with  back- 
shields  against  the  heat  of  the  Sun  ; at  the  same  time  the  Fathers  covered 
themselves  with  arrows.  According  to  the  myth,  when  the  shamans  were  about 
to  create  the  Sun,  as  described  on  p.  11,  “they  painted  the  face  of  the  boy  who 
was  to  be  the  Sun  exactly  as  the  hi'kuli-seekers  paint  themselves  to-day,  and 
they  gave  him  his  shield  of  stone  (na'ma).” 

The  main  idea  underlying  the  use  of  the  ceremonial  back-shield  is  that  it 
protects  against  the  heat  of  the  sun  ; and  the  prayers  expressed  by  it  are  largely 
for  health,  but  also  for  protection  against  evil,  sickness,  accident,  etc.  Back- 
shields  represent  prayers  of  all  kinds,  such  as  prayers  for  rain,  good  crops,  and 
even  that  the  supplicant  may  have  children.  It  will  be  remembered  (p.  108)  that 
the  same  mat  served  the  warrior  as  back-shield  (na'ma)  and  bed  (ita'li). 

A Cora  shaman  once  told  me  that  the  Coras  were  considerably  annoyed  by 
certain  precautions  which  the  Huichols  took  to  prevent  the  rain  from  departing 
from  their  country  into  that  of  the  Coras.  To  this  end  the  Huichols  placed 
small  rectangular  mats,  with  fierce  animals  represented  on  them,  in  the  middle  of 
the  roads,  to  keep  the  rain  back,  which  would  not  dare  to  pass  these.  Whenever 
the  Coras  found  such  objects,  they  used  to  destroy  them. 

Back-shields  may  be  divided  into  two  classes,  — stiff  mats  and  soft  mats. 
Either  kind  may  be  attached  to  an  arrow,  or  hung  under  the  roof  of  a god-house 
or  laid  on  its  altar. 

The  stiff  mats  are  of  two  kinds  : — 

i.  Square  or  rectangular  mats , solidly  made  of  splints  of  bamboo  tied  with 
twine  of  a bark-fibre  called  kau'nali,  or  sometimes  with  worsted  (Figs.  157-160). 
These  are  also  called  hawimita'li  (‘  bed  [ita'li  ] of  moisture  [hawi'me]’)  ; and,  as  the 
name  indicates,  they  are  prayers  for  rain. 

Figs.  157,  158,  show  the  upper  and  under  sides  of  a ‘bed’  from  the  temple 
of  Grandfather  Fire  at  Teaka'ta.  It  is  made  of  strong  splints  of  split  bamboo, 
firmly  interwoven  with  a double  twine  of  bark-fibre.  The  splints  are  put  close 
together  in  two  layers,  — one  layer  running  crosswise,  and  the  other  lengthwise. 
As  is  always  the  case  in  these  mats,  the  twine  is  put  round  the  intersections  of 
the  splints  in  such  a way  as  to  form  a different  pattern  on  each  side  of  the  mat. 
The  upper  side  of  the  mat  is  distinguished  by  the  outer  surfaces  of  the  splints, 
which  are  uniformly  convex.  An  end  of  the  twine  is  left  free,  forming  a long 
loop,  by  which  the  mat  is  hung  under  the  roof  of  the  god-house.  ‘ Beds’  of  this 
kind  belonging  to  Grandfather  Fire  are  always  tied  with  bark-fibre. 

The  mat  seen  in  Fig.  159  is  from  the  cave  of  Mother  East-Water,  near 
Santa  Catarina.  It  is  made  in  exactly  the  same  way  as  the  ‘bed’  of  Grandfather 

[138] 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


139 


Fire  just  described,  only  the  materials  used  to  bind  the  splints  together  are  black, 
red,  and  blue  yarn,  and  white  cotton  cord,  so  arranged  as  to  form  four  bands  on 
one  side  of  the  ‘bed,’  — one  of  each  color. 


Fig.  157.  Fig.  158. 


Figs.  157,  158  (/5V) • 4 Bed  ’ of  Grandfather  Fire,  Upper  and  Under  Sides.  (Length  of  side,  18  cm.) 


Fig.  159.  Fig.  160. 

Fig.  159  (igst)-  ‘ Bed  ’ of  Mother  East-Water.  (Longest  side,  14  cm.) 
Fig.  160  (&%).  ‘ Bed  ’ of  Mother  East-Water.  (Length  of  side,  12.5  cm.) 


The  ‘bed’  shown  in  Fig.  160  was  obtained  from  the  god-house  of  Mother 
East-Water  in  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres.  The  materials  used  for  tying  the 
splints  are  cotton  cord  and  a three-ply  or  four-ply  crewel,  each  strand  of  the  crewel 
being  of  a different  color.  On  one  half  of  the  mat  the  predominant  colors  are 


140 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THF,  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


blue  and  white  ; on  the  other  half,  yellow,  green,  red,  and  white.  These  differ- 
ent colors  have  reference  to  the  various  hues  of  flowers,  which  are  the  creation  of 
this  Mother  as  the  result  of  rain  in  the  spring. 

2.  Rectangular  mats , made  by  interweaving  pieces  of  split  bamboo  or  straw 
with  cotton  cord  and  variously  colored  crewels,  symbolic  de- 
signs being  represented  in  the  weaving.  These  are  the  most 
common  kind  of  stiff  mats,  and  may  be  considered  typical 
back-shields. 

Fig.  1 6 1 shows  one  from  the  little  temple  of  Grandfather 
Fire  in  Teaka'ta.  The  materials  used  are  coarse  grass,  white 
cotton  cord,  and  dark-blue  yarn.  The  blue  figures  on  a white 
background  represent  hi'kuli.  The  shield  was  deposited  by  a 
hi'kuli-seeker  before  going  on  the  journey  to  procure  the  plant, 
that  he  might  have  success  in  his  undertaking.  There  is  one 
of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  almost  identical  with  this,  only 
the  figures  of  hi'kuli  are  more  numerous  and  a little  smaller  ; 
and  it  was  deposited  for  the  same  purpose. 

The  specimen  seen  in  Fig.  162  was  secured  at  the  same  place  as  the  preced- 
ing specimen,  and  is  attached  to  an  arrow  by  a cord  from  one  corner,  the  cord 
running  over  the  lowest  black  stripe  on  the  rearshaft  of  the  arrow.  The  mate- 
rials employed  are  splints  of  split  bamboo  and  different-colored  crewels.  The 
figure  in  the  centre  represents  a tiger  (black,  with  yellow  and  white  spots)  hold- 
ing in  one  claw  a baton  (also  black).  This  shield,  which  has  been  smeared  with 
blood,  is  suspended  with  the  tiger’s  head  down.  Below  the  tiger,  in  the  central 
part,  are  six  parallel  longitudinal  stripes,  alternately  blue  and  yellow,  signifying 
rain.  On  each  side  of  these  stripes  are  two  terrace-shaped  figures  ; in  either  case 
only  one  is  wholly  visible,  as  it  hides  half  of  the  one  behind  it.  On  one  side  it  is 
red,  half  hiding  a yellow  one  ; on  the  other  side  blue,  also  half  hiding  a yellow  one. 
They  represent  hi'kuli.  Below  these  are  eight  red  figures  shaped  somewhat  like  a 
Greek  cross,  symbolizing  corn,  the  two  towards  the  sides  being  only  half  finished. 
On  both  long  sides  of  the  back-shield  are  irregular-shaped  figures  in  black,  the 
black  color  also  extending  along  the  edge  of  one  of  the  short  sides.  These  rep- 
resent the  earth,  with  its  hills  and  valleys.  Above  the  tail  of  the  tiger  is  an 
irregular-shaped  yellow  figure,  bordered  on  the  upper  edge  by  transverse  red 
stripes,  representing  variously  colored  clouds. 

Grandfather  Fire  is  here  implored  — through  both  the  magic  of  hi'kuli  and 
his  principal  animal,  the  tiger,  whose  power  is  symbolized  by  the  baton  — to  send 
rain.  The  result  will  be  grains  of  corn  of  the  color  of  the  god  of  fire. 

The  arrow  to  which  this  shield  is  attached  measures  in  its  entire  length 
58.7  cm.,  the  rearshaft  being  28  cm.  long,  and  the  foreshaft  30.7  cm.  The  rear- 
shaft  is  much  thicker  than  that  of  the  bow-arrow,  and  a sinew  is  bound  firmly 
round  it  at  the  shoulder.  The  color-bands  are  black  and  red,  and  the  feathers 
on  the  ‘ winged  ’ part  those  of  the  macaw. 


Fig.  161  (yffa).  Back-Shield 
of  Grandfather  Fire.  (10.5 
cm.  X 6 cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS.  H1 

The  designs  shown  in  the  next  back-shield  (Fig.  163),  which  is  one  of 
Father  Sun,  are  the  following : On  a white  background  is  woven  in  red 
crewel  an  eagle  with  spread  wings.  It  is  Young  Mother  Eagle,  the  mother  of 
the  Sun,  who  holds  the  world  in  her  talons.  The  head,  the  legs,  and  the  tail  are 
represented  in  side  view.  The  bird  is  thus  shown  flying,  and  seen  from  one 
side.  A square  spot  on  each  wing,  the  navel,  the  eyes,  and  the  mouth,  are 
in  yellow.  Above  the  eagle,  on  a stripe  of  red,  are  seven  diamond-shaped 
white  figures,  representing  ‘eyes.’  Five  of  them  are  perfect,  the  other  two 
at  the  edges  being  half  finished  on  account  of  lack  of  space.  Along  both 


Fig.  162  (esc).  Back-Shield  of  Grandfather  Fire.  (Length  of  long  side,  17.5  cm.) 


edges  of  the  longer  sides  are  seen  a series  of  terraces  in  red,  as  well  as  some 
in  yellow.  These  represent  the  earth  with  its  hills,  over  which  the  eagle 
flies.  Below  the  tail  of  the  eagle  is  a figure  in  red  with  two  longitudinally 
placed  yellowish  stripes.  It  represents  the  double  water-gourd  (topoli'r). 
At  one  corner  is  a cord  which  serves  to  suspend  the  object,  and  in  such  a way 
that  the  eagle  hangs  head  down.  The  shield  expresses  a prayer  for  life. 

Fig.  164  shows  a back-shield  from  the  god-house  of  Father  Sun,  near 
San  Andres.  It  is  attached  by  a cord  (made  of  colored  crewels  twisted  to- 
gether) from  one  of  its  corners  to  a ceremonial  arrow.  The  colors  of  the 
cord  are  the  same  as  those  on  the  mat ; namely,  white,  blue,  red,  and  yellow. 


142 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


The  materials  used  are  splints  of  split  bamboo,  white  cotton  cord,  and  colored 
crewel.  On  a white  background  is  represented  a badly  executed  figure  of  the 
mountain-lion  or  puma.  Its  color  is  blue  (except  part  of  the  hind-quarters 
and  the  tail,  which  are  black)  ; but  there  are  two  fields  of  yellow  about  it,  — one 
between  the  hind-legs,  extending  also  a little  in  front  of  them  ; the  other  be- 


tween the  fore-lems  and  the  head.  On  each 


long 


side  is  a border  consisting 


of  a series  of  red  triangular  figures  representing  hi'kuli.  The  colors  of  those 
on  one  side  (above  the  lion)  are  red  and  blue;  and  of  those  on  the  other 

side,  red  and  yellow.  Across  the  lower 
short  side  is  a border  of  alternately  red  and 
black  figures  in  the  shape  of  half  of  a Greek 
cross,  representing  the  black  and  red  ‘ insects  ’ 
mentioned  before  (pp.  118,  120,  126);  and 
the  opposite  edge  is  covered  with  irregular, 
variously  colored  stripes  that  include  all  the 
colors  (except  black)  used  on  the  rest  of  the 
shield.  These  represent  clouds  of  different 
hues. 

This  back-shield,  on  which  is  placed  a 
picture  (neali'ka)  of  one  of  the  animals  of  the 
Sun,  expresses  a prayer  for  rain  through  this 
animal,  as  well  as  through  the  magic  power  of 
hi'kuli.  The  black  and  red  ‘insects’  have 
their  usual  symbolic  sig- 
nificance,— an  abundance 
of  rain  (p.  1 18). 

The  arrow  to  which 
the  shield  is  attached 
measures 
length  46. 

shaft  being  25.6  cm.  long, 
and  the  foreshaft  20.6  cm. 

There  are  no  feathers  on 
the  ‘ winged  ’ part. 

The  next  back-shield 
(Fig.  165)  is  one  of  Sa- 

kaimo'ka,  the  Setting  Sun.  It  was  taken  from  the  spring  of  this  god  (kutsa'la) 
at  Teaka'ta.  It  is  not  quite  regularly  made,  and  is  attached  to  an  arrow.  I he 
curved  line  represents  a serpent ; the  other  figures,  which  are  red,  flowers.  It 
had  been  deposited  at  the  spring  by  people  who  took  water  from  it,  praying  that 
they  might  not  get  sick. 

A remarkable  stiff  back-shield  combining  both  forms  is  shown  in  Fig.  166. 
I came  across  it  accidentally  in  one  of  the  god-houses  of  the  temple  of  Santa 


is 

in  its  entire 
cm.,  the  rear- 


Fig.  164  ($2$).  Back-Shield  of  Father  Sun.  (19  cm.  X 10.5  cm.) 


Fig.  165  (ilfu).  Back-Shield 
of  the  Setting  Sun.  (Length  of 
longest  side,  10.5  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


H3 


Catarina,  — that  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau').  It  had  in  some  unaccountable 
way  escaped  the  destruction  to  which  all  ceremonial  objects  are  liable.  The 
material  is  worn  away  in  a few  places,  but 
not  enough  to  seriously  damage  the  shield. 

Unlike  other  back-shields  which  I have  seen, 
it  is  dedicated  to  three  different  gods,  — 

Father  Sun,  Grandfather  Fire,  and  Young 
Mother  EaMe.  The  materials  from  which  it 

o , 

is  made  are  all  indigenous,  consisting  of  pieces 
of  split  bamboo,  cotton  cord  (dyed  and  un- 
dyed), and  thin  strips  of  a green  fibrous  ma- 
terial, probably  palm-leaf.  An  additional 
special  shield  of  the  stiff  pattern  makes  up 
its  central  portion. 

Placing  the  object  on  one  of  its  short 
ends  in  front  of  us,  we  see  on  its  upper  part 
the  figure  of  Young  Mother  Eagle,  par- 
tially destroyed.  It  is  shown  in  profile,  with 
one  wing  spread,  represented  by  four  parallel 
lines.  Part  of  the  head  and  neck,  which  are 
stretched  forward,  has  been  worn  away.  The 
legs  are  apart,  and  the  tail  appears  between 
them.  The  color  of  the  bird  is  light  reddish 

brown,  and  the  material  is  cotton  cord.  We  notice  three  irregular  designs  of  a 
lighter  color,  — two  on  the  body,  and  one  on  the  tail.  To  the  one  in  the  middle 
a short  piece  of  cotton  cord  is  fastened,  by  which  probably  a plume  was  once  at- 
tached to  it. 

If  we  now  turn  the  object  upside  down,  we  observe  the  figure  of  a turkey, 
a bird  of  the  Sun,  which  covers  nearly  its  whole  width.  It  is  likewise  shown 
in  profile,  in  the  act  of  dying.  The  head,  body,  tail,  and  wing  have  a greenish 
hue.  The  top  of  the  body,  upper  and  lower  edges  of  the  wing,  and  part  of  the 
head,  are  blue,  having  been  made  from  cotton  cord  which  had  been  dyed  with 
native  indigo.  There  are  traces  of  the  same  kind  of  blue  on  the  legs,  the  rest 
being  worn  away.  On  the  tail  are  seen  the  remnants  of  yellow  cotton  cord  ; 

and  the  top  of  the  head  as  well  as  the  eye  is  made  of  red  cotton  cord.  A short 

piece  of  cotton  cord  to  which  a plume  was  once  attached  is  tied  to  that  part  of 
the  body  where  the  heart  would  be. 

In  the  central  part  of  the  shield  an  opening  13  cm.  by  10.5  cm.  was  left, 

which  has  been  covered  with  a back-shield  of  about  the  same  size.  It  is  a rec- 

tangular solid  mat  of  the  kind  called  hawimita'li  or  ‘ bed  of  moisture  ’ (p.  138),  and 
is  tied  firmly  to  the  main  back-shield.  The  usual  material  of  twine  has  been 
partly  replaced  by  the  green  fibrous  material  alluded  to  above.  On  one  side  of 
this  central  back-shield  is  woven  a bell-shaped  figure  of  white  cotton  cord,  on 


Fig.  166.  Back-Shield  of  Father  Sun,  Grandfather  Fire, 
and  Young  Mother  Eagle.  (33  cm.  X 21  cm.) 


144 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


which  again  is  seen  a diamond-shaped  figure  or  ‘ eye  ’ of  brown  cotton  cord.  To 
the  centre  of  this  diamond-shaped  figure  is  tied  a loop  of  twine  of  ixtle.  Prob- 
ably a plume  was  attached  here  also.  The  ‘ eye  ’ has  its  usual  meaning,  and  the 
bell-shaped  field  on  which  it  stands  may  be  considered  as  half  of  another  ‘ eye.’ 
The  tail  of  the  eagle  may  also  represent  an  ‘eye.’ 

From  one  of  the  long  ends  of  the  central  shield  extend  obliquely  towards 
the  legs  of  the  eagle  two  sections  in  green.  These  sections,  as  well  as  the 

adjoining  terraces  and  equidistant  lines,  represent  the 
world,  with  its  mountains  and  valleys,  which  the  eagle 
above  holds  in  its  talons.  The  transverse  narrow  line  of 
green,  which  above  the  eagle  runs  partly  across  the  shield, 
denotes  the  sky. 

We  have  in  this  back-shield,  a representation  of  the 
Huichol  conception  of  the  world,  besides  an  expression  of 
the  power  of  the  god  of  fire.  The  god  of  fire,  as  the  su- 
preme deity,  rests  in  the  middle  of  the  world.  The 
mountains  and  valleys  are  clothed  in  verdure,  because  the 
fire,  the  greatest  of  all  shamans,  is  able  to  procure  rain. 
His  shamanistic  powers  are  expressed  in  the  ceremonial 
‘ eye  ’ ; and  the  expression  of  moisture  in  his  ‘ bed  ’ is  em- 
phasized by  the  partly  green  color  applied  to  it,  indicative 
of  verdure.  Above  is  the  sky,  where  Young  Mother  Eagle 
reigns,  and  watches  over  the  whole  world  ; and  the  Sun, 
as  represented  by  the  turkey,  gives  light  and  heat  to  it. 

In  the  next  figure  (Fig.  167)  is  presented  one  of  Elder 
Brother’s  back-shields.  It  was  procured  from  a god-house 
on  the  edge  of  the  mesa  of  San  Andres,  and  is  attached  to 
the  colored  part  of  the  rearshaft  of  a ceremonial  arrow  by 
a cord  fastened  to  both  ends  of  one  of  its  long  sides.  The 
materials  employed  are  straw,  cotton  cord,  and  crewel.  In 
the  weaving,  on  a background  of  white,  is  a poor  repre- 
sentation of  a deer  in  dark  blue,  the  hi'kuli  deer,  in  the 
shape  of  which  Elder  Brother  originally  appeared  in  the 
country  of  the  hi'kuli,  when  the  plant  first  became  known 
to  the  Huichols.  The  tail  of  the  deer,  which  is  turned 
backward,  reaches  almost  to  his  shoulder  ; and  the  space 
between  it  and  the  body  is  red,  symbolizing  his  connection  with  fire,  as  is  the 
space  between  the  neck  and  the  head  on  one  side  and  the  edge  of  the  shield  on 
the  other.  Behind  and  immediately  adjoining  the  tail,  is  a black-and-red  figure 
representing  hi'kuli,  the  black  being  nearest  the  tail.  Underneath  the  deer  are 
some  irregular  designs  in  blue.  Another  design  in  red  and  blue  is  back  of  the 
deer.  These  all  represent  mountains  in  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli.  The  square 
part  of  the  figure  underneath  the  head  of  the  deer  signifies  the  mountain  into  which 


'*?•  ■ - 
Brother.  (10  cm.  X 5.5  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


145 


the  deer  ultimately  changed  himself,  and  which  may  still  be  seen  to-day.  The 
red-and-blue  figure  behind  it  may  be  a symbolical  representation  of  the  plant  itself 
growing  on  a mountain.  On  the  border  of  the  shield,  behind  the  deer,  is  a nar- 
row stripe  of  red  ; and  there  is  another  one  farther  out,  which  is  red  and  blue. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  how  the  three  phases  of  the  god’s  appearance  in  the 
country  of  the  hi'kuli  are  shown  on  this  back-shield.  The  god  appeared  as  a deer, 
that  left  hi'kuli  in  his  tracks  ; he  also  appeared  as  a gigantic  hi'kuli,  which  is 
shown  by  the  hi'kuli  connected  with  him  ; and  finally  he  became  a mountain  or 
altar,  which  is  also  expressed  on  the  shield.  It  expresses  a prayer  for  life  and 
health. 


Fig.  168. 


Fig.  169. 


Fig.  170. 


Fig.  171. 


Figs.  168  (isihr),  169  (yffo).  Back-Shields  of  Elder  Brother.  (Length,  14  cm.  and  13.5  cm.  respectively.) 
Fig.  170  (iffr).  Back-Shield  of  Grandmother  Growth.  (Length  of  long  side,  15.5  cm.) 

Fig.  171  (fljfo).  Back-Shield  of  the  Corn  Mother.  (Length  of  long  side,  21  cm.) 


The  arrow  to  which  it  is  attached  measures  in  its  entire  length  51.1  cm.,  the 
rearshaft  being  25.5  cm.  long,  and  the  foreshaft  25.6  cm.  There  are  no  feathers 
on  its  ‘winged’  part,  and  the  shoulder  is  bound  round  firmly  with  sinew. 

Fig.  168  shows  another  back-shield  of  Elder  Brother,  which  is  interesting 
because  it  has  a picture  of  a hi'kuli  represented  in  an  unusual  way,  namely,  by  a 
tree-like  figure  in  white  on  a red  background.  It  is  attached  to  an  arrow  at  its 
upper  right-hand  corner  by  a free  end  of  the  white  cord  of  which  it  is  made. 

A third  specimen  of  this  god’s  shields  is  seen  in  Fig.  169.  It  was  found  in 
his  god-house  at  Teaka'ta.  In  the  weaving  are  shown  the  figure  of  a deer  in  red  ; 
and  underneath,  a snare,  also  in  red.  It  is  the  expression  of  a prayer  for  luck  in 
hunting  deer. 

The  next  figure  (Fig.  170)  shows,  a back-shield  from  the  cave  of  Grand- 
mother Growth  in  Teaka'ta.  The  irregular  figure  in  red  and  black  represents 


146 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


a squash-vine,  and  the  object  was  deposited  in  order  to  secure  luck  in  raising 
squashes.  Another  back-shield  of  this  goddess  is  a prayer  for  children. 

The  back-shield  shown  in  Fig.  1 7 1 was  taken  from  the  god-house  of  the 
Corn  Mother,  an  impersonation  of  Grandmother  Growth,  and  is  called  a ‘ bed  of 
water-serpents’  (hai'ra  ku're  italia'le).  This  bed  is  a picture  of  nine  serpents,  and 
in  their  midst  is  the  symbol  of  a grain  of  corn.  Six  of  the  serpents  may  be 
readily  distinguished.  Their  heads,  which  are  all  rather  square-looking,  are 
turned  towards  one  of  the  short  ends  of  the  shield,  and  their  tails  towards  the 
opposite  end.  Four  of  them  are  black,  and  two  are  blue.  The  next  three  are 
pictured  as  if  lying  so  that  the  tail  and  head  meet,  forming  diamond-shaped 

figures,  one  within  another,  instead  of  circular 
coils,  as  would  seem  more  natural.  The  outer- 
most is  red,  the  next  green,  and  the  innermost 
yellow.  The  shield  is  a prayer  for  much  rain, 
so  that  corn  will  be  plentiful. 

Fig.  172  shows  a back-shield  from  the 
cave  of  Mother  East-Water,  near  Santa  Cata- 
rina. On  it  is  represented  a mountain-lion  in 
red  on  a white  background,  expressing  a prayer 
that  the  lion  may  not  attack  the  cattle,  but 
remain  quiet. 

Another  one  of  the  same  goddess,  and  from  the  same  locality,  is  pictured  in 
Fig.  173.  On  it  the  following  symbols  are  figured  : (a)  A serpent.  ( b ) White 


<I<T  t -» IT Jigfilw 


Fig.  172  (i§sa)»  Back-Shield  of  Mother  East-Water. 
(15  cm.  X 8 cm.) 


Big.  173  (res?)*  Back-Shield  of 
Mother  East -Water  (12.5  cm.  X 6.5 
cm.) 


Fig.  174  (T§35.).  Back-Shield  of  Mother  East- 
Water.  (Shortest  side,  4.2  cm.) 


Big.  175  Cibss)-  Back-Shield 
of  Mother  East-Water.  (16.5  cm. 
X 7 cm.) 


clouds.  ( c ) A black  cloud.  (d)  Rain  (yellow  and  white  vertical  stripes).  The 

result  of  the  rain  is  seen  underneath  in  the  vegetation  represented  (e,  f).  ( e ) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF-  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


147 


Th  ree  flowers,  (f)  A squash-vine  (a  green  and  red  band  in  the  form  of  an 
angle).  (g)  The  earth  witli  its  hills,  from  which  clouds  rise  to  fall  down  again 
as  rain. 

The  various  colors  suggest  that  the  fields  are  clad  in  green  and  flowers,  and 
the  earth  is  also  full  of  moisture.  The  shield  thus  expresses  a prayer  for  rain. 

In  Fig.  174  is  seen  a third  specimen  of  Mother  East-Water’s  back-shields. 
It  was  taken  from  the  same  place  as  the  preceding.  Many  colors  have  been 
applied  to  it.  Its  meaning  is  very  simple.  The  triangular-shaped  figure  at  the 
bottom  represents  the  earth  (kwie').  Above  this  a gourd-vine  with  many-colored 
leaves  is  pictured,  suggesting  that  the  leaves  are  turning.  Many  gourds  (Sp. 
guaje')  of  irregular  shapes,  but  mostly  triangular,  and  also  in  many  colors,  are  seen 
above  it,  supposed  to  belong  to  the  vine.  It  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  sowing 
gourd-seed. 


Fig.  175  represents  another  back-shield  of  the  same  goddess,  from  her 
cave  near  Santa  Catarina.  The  diamond-shaped  central  part  and  the  corners 
are  white,  as  is  also  the  transverse  line  running  across  the  middle.  This  cen- 
tral diamond-shaped  white  section  is  surrounded  by  a red  section,  which  again 
is  surrounded  by  a black  one.  All  the  white  on  the  shield 
represents  native  beer,  and  the  diamond-shaped  figure 
in  red  and  black  represents  ma'wali,  i.  e.,  that  the  beer  has 
been  placed  in  its  gourd.  It  is  a prayer  for  good  luck  in- 
making beer,  and  that  people  may  get  drunk  quickly  on 
the  brew. 

I shall  mention  two  specimens  of  back-shields  of 
Mother  West-Water.  Both  were  obtained  from  the  cave 
of  the  goddess  at  Teaka'ta,  near  Santa  Catarina.  In  the 
first  (Fig.  176)  the  six  dark-blue  figures  in  the  upper  part 
represent  hi'kuli,  the  largest  of  which  is  standing  on  an 
altar  (niwa'tali)  of  the  same  color.  The  prayer  expressed 
by  the  shield  is  that  the  hi'kuli  placed  on  the  altar  of 
Mother  West- Water  may  not  decay,  but  dry  up  well.  In 
the  second  one,  which  is  not  figured,  the  main  color  is 
white,  with  shading  of  red  and  black,  and  the  prayer  ex- 
pressed is  that  a child  may  not  get  sick. 


Fig.  176  GIN). 
Mother  West-Water. 
7-5  cm.) 


Back-Shield  of 
(15.5  cm.  X 


The  soft  mats  are  (1)  plain  pieces  of  loose  textile  of  ixtle,  (2)  loose  textiles 
of  ixtle  or  cotton  into  which  wads  of  variously  colored  wool  are  woven,  (3) 
scraps  of  closely  woven  textiles  of  wool  or  cotton. 

All  these  soft  mats  are  made  on  a special  kind  of  small  loom,  and  some  have 
symbolic  designs  either  painted  on  the  textile  or  embroidered  on  it.  The  symbolic 
significance  of  others  is  expressed  by  the  inwoven  wads  of  yarn. 

The  most  common  appearance  of  the  soft  mat  is  simply  a loose  textile,  gen- 
erally rectangular  in  shape,  and  attached  to  an  arrow.  There  is  a god-house 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


148 


near  the  temple  of  Guayavas,  dedicated  to  Mother  East-Water,  where  arrows 
placed  by  the  hundred  contain  scarcely  anything  but  such  scraps  of  ixtle,  which 
always  express  prayers  for  health.  They  were  deposited  there  to  implore  health 
for  children.  They  may  also  be  found  in  the  god-houses  of  other  deities. 

In  Fig.  177  may  be  seen  a back-shield  of  this  kind.  It  was  found  in  the 
god-house  of  Ka'tsi  at  Teaka'ta,  and  deposited  in  order  that  a little  child  might 
not  get  sick. 

The  second  class  of  soft  mats  is  illustrated  by  four  specimens. 

1.  Fig.  1 78  shows  one  into  which  three  transverse  rows  of  black  woollen 
wads  are  woven.  It  is  from  the  god-house  of  Ka'tsi,  and  expresses  a prayer  that 
many  lambs  may  be  born  in  the  herd,  and  that  they  may  all  be  black. 


2.  The  next  specimen  (Fig.  179)  is  called  a ‘flower-bed’  of  Ka'tsi  (Ka'tsi 
rutu'li  italiai'ya).  This  textile  has  some  wads  of  red  and  blue  wool  woven 
into  it,  which  signify  flowers  (rutu'li).  The  prayer  expressed  is  that  the  god 
may  have  flowers  for  his  bed,  which  would  not  be  possible  without  rain,  thus 
implying  a prayer  for  rain.  To  the  same  arrow  to  which  this  ‘flower-bed’  is 
attached,  a ‘bed  of  moisture’  (hawimita'li)  is  fastened,  which  emphasizes  the 
prayer  for  rain. 

3.  A third  one  is  shown  in  Fig.  180,  which  is  another  ‘flower-bed,’  but  one 
belonging  to  Mother  East-Water  ( cf.  the  preceding  specimen  as  well  as  that 
seen  in  big.  181).  It  was  placed  on  an  altar  at  a feast  for  making  rain  in  San 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HU1CHOL  INDIANS. 


149 


Andres.  It  is  woven  from  yarn,  wads  of  black,  white,  and  red  wool  being  at  the 
same  time  woven  in  at  regular  intervals,  forming’  thus  a kind  of  soft  rug.  The 
red  wads  were  made  from  the  ravellings  of  flannel,  and  are  mostly  applied  to  the 
central  part,  while  the  black  is  used  on  the  sides,  each  color  forming  indistinct 
diamond-shaped  figures  on  a white  background.  In  the  middle  of  the  diamond- 
shaped figures  is  generally  found  a wad  of  black  yarn,  while  in  the  black  figures 
a similar  red  wad  may  be  seen. 

4.  The  fourth  ‘bed’  (Fig.  181)  is  rectangular.  It  was  procured  from  the 
cave  of  Mother  West-Water  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Cora  pueblo  of  San 
Francisco.  It  was  made  at  a rain-making  feast  at  San  Andres,  and  is  woven  from 

yarn  in  the  same  way  as  the  preceding 
specimen,  bits  or  wads  of  wool  being  like- 
wise woven  in  at  regular  intervals.  The 
colors  of  the  wads  are  black,  white,  and 
yellow.  The  black  and  white  are  the 
natural  colors  of  the  wool,  and  the  yellow 
is  produced  by  a native  dyeing  process. 


Fig.  1 81  C?6/b)-  ‘Flower-Bed’  of  Mother  West-Water.  (Length,  13.5  cm.) 


Fig.  180  (lies)*  ‘ Flower-Bed  ’ of  Mother  East- Water. 
(Length  of  side,  13  cm.) 


Finally  I give  five  illustrations  of  the  third  class  of  soft  mats,  — certain 
votive  scraps  of  wool  or  cotton. 

1.  Fig.  182  shows  one  of  wool,  on  which  are  represented  two  children  with 
a flower  between  them.  The  designs  are  all  in  red  with  the  exception  of  the 
stomach  of  one  of  the  children,  which  is  blue.  This  indicates  that  it  is  female. 
It  was  placed  in  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother  at  Teaka'ta  as  a prayer  that 
children  might  not  get  sick. 

2.  The  next  specimen  (Fig.  183)  is  also  of  wool,  and  was  found  in  the  same 
god-house  as  the  one  above.  On  it  are  embroidered  three  figures  in  black. 
The  one  with  the  diamond-shaped  figure  in  the  middle  is  supposed  to  represent 
a hen,  and  the  one  to  the  right  a cock.  Between  them  is  a scorpion,  signifying 
a prayer  that  the  scorpion  may  not  sting  them. 

3.  Another  of  Elder  Brother’s  back-shields  is  seen  in  Fig.  184.  This  is  a 
firmly  woven  textile  of  cotton  cord,  having  on  one  side  a half-finished  embroi- 
dery of  a flower.  It  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  embroidery. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 5° 


4.  A fourth  ‘bed’  (Fig.  185)  belongs  to  Mother  West-Water.  It  is  a piece 
of  woollen  textile  with  transverse  parallel  rows  of  stitches  in  alternately  red 
and  yellow  crewel.  It  was  dedicated  to  the  goddess  by  a person  who  wanted  to 
make  a back-shield. 


Fig.  184'GHb).  Back-Shield  of  Elder  Brother. 
(14  cm.  X 6 cm.) 


Fig.  186  ‘Bed’  of  Kauyuma'li.  (9  cm. 

X 9 cm.) 


5.  Fig.  186  shows  a ‘bed’  of  Kauyuma'li,  taken  from  his  god-house  at  Tea- 
ka'ta.  This  is  a square  piece  of  brown  woollen  textile  attached  to  the  top  of  a 
stick  31  cm.  long.  The  upper  end  of  the  stick  is  cut  off  straight,  and  the  other 
end,  which  was  placed  in  the  ground,  is  pointed.  The  name  of  the  stick  is 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HU1CHOL  INDIANS. 


151 

kwitevo',  no  matter  what  kind  of  wood  is  used  in  its  manufacture.  The  attached 
piece  of  textile,  as  usual,  was  made  specially  for  the  purpose.  At  the  lower 
end  the  threads  are  braided  into  a fringe,  each  strand  of  which  is  tied  into  a 
knot  towards  the  end.  Three  rows  of  diamond-shaped  figures  are  stitched  in  red 
thread  across  the  textile.  Two  such  sticks  were  brought  to  my  notice,  and 
it  seems  to  me  that  they  are  related  to  the  za'pa  to  be  described  later  (cf. 
p.  183),  the  only  difference  being  that  this  kwitevo'  is  much  simpler  and  not 
decorated.  The  diamond-shaped  figures  are  Kauyuma'li  neali'ka.  Kauyuma'li 
(see  pp.  12,  106)  is  a deer  god,  and  his  ‘face’  is  the  snare,  which  these  diamond- 
shaped figures  accordingly  represent.  The  whole  object  is  a prayer  for  luck  in 
killing  deer. 

o 


Fig.  187  (iffy).  ‘ Bed’  of  Mother  East-Water.  (Diam.,  29  cm.) 

A quite  exceptional  ‘ bed,’ made  of  feather-work,  is  shown  in  Fig.  187.  It  is 
a ‘bed’  of  Mother  East-Water  (Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  ita'li),  and  consists  of  a number 
of  feathers  (hawk,  parrot,  and  bluejay)  placed  on  the  same  level  around  a 
common  centre.  The  feathers  are  tied  together  by  a twine  of  ixtle  passed 
through  the  quills,  and  they  are  further  kept  in  position  by  being  tied  with 
the  same  kind  of  twine  to  a hoop  7.5  cm.  in  diameter,  made  of  a fine  splint 
of  bamboo.  The  ‘bed’  is  tied  to. the  seat  of  a chair  (Tate’  Naaliwa'mi  owe'n) 
by  a twine  from  the  hoop.  In  the  centre  of  the  ‘bed’  is  a wad  of  cotton-wool, 
attached  with  beeswax,  surrounded  by  a string  of  red  beads  fastened  in  the  same 
way.  Six  wads  of  cotton-wool  are  also  attached  at  about  equal  distances 
outside  of  the  hoop.  The  wads  of  wool  express  prayers  for  life  ; and  the  whole 
‘bed,’  prayers  for  rain.  The  chair,  with  its  curious  attachment,  was  brought  to 
me  by  the  owner  from  his  private  god-house,  which  was  dedicated  to  Mother 
East-Water.  The  chair  has  only  one  arch,  wound  round  with  red  twine,  and 
the  seat  consists  of  a network  of  white,  black,  and  red  yarn. 


152 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


It  should  be  noted  that  the  back-shield  or  ‘bed’  is  sometimes  considered 
as  an  altar  (see  Fig.  176).  Niwa'tali  is  the  Huichol  name  for  the  altar  of  the 
god-house,  but  it  is  also  used  in  a wider  sense  in  speaking  of  a mountain  on 
which  the  goddess  rests,  for  instance,  as  a fog.  Thus  it  is  easily  understood 
that  the  na'ma,  which  is  back-shield  or  ‘bed,’  may  also  be  called  ‘altar.’  In  the 
collection  are  two  such  specimens,  one  of  which  I here  reproduce. 

Th  is  is  a ‘flower-bed’  of  the  Corn  Mother,  Tate'  Otegana'ka  rutu'li 
italiai'ya  (Fig.  188),  which  is  also  distinctly  called  ‘altar,’  the  inference  being 
that  the  flower-fields  of  the  country  are  just  as  much  beds  of  the  goddesses 
as  the  altar  on  which  flowers  are  placed.  Certain  diamond-shaped  figures, 


representing  in  many  cases  only  the  outlines  but  of  various  colors  (blue,  red, 
yellow,  and  black),  are  seen  on  a white  background.  These  represent  flowers. 
The  figure  in  blue  at  one  of  the  narrow  ends,  edged  with  red  and  black,  repre- 
sents the  altar  on  which  the  flowers  were  placed,  emphasizing  the  general  con- 
ception of  the  whole  object  as  an  altar. 

There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  all  ‘flower-beds’  (including  the  soft  ones) 
should  be  considered  also  as  altars  of  the  god. 

It  remains  to  mention  two  peculiar  ‘beds’  of  Grandfather  Fire  and  Grand- 
mother Growth.  These  are  made  from  grass,  are  round  in  shape,  and  belong 
to  these  two  deities  of  vegetation.  It  is  doubtful  whether  these  may  also 
be  considered  as  back-shields,  on  account  of  their  shape,  which  is  that  of  the 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


:53 


front-shield.  Possibly,  however,  there  existed  certain  distinguishing  shields  of 
the  chiefs,  which  thus  would  appropriately  become  emblems  of  the  two  great 
deities  in  question. 

The  one  reproduced  (Fig.  189)  was  found  in  the  cave  of  Grandmother 
Growth,  near  Santa  Catarina.  It  consists  of  concentric  layers  of  different  kinds 
of  grass  and  herbs,  tied  together  with  twine  of  bark-fibre  so  as  to  form  a disk 
about  22  cm.  in  diameter,  a hole  4.5  cm.  in  diameter  being  left  in  the  middle. 
To  the  edge,  on  two  opposite  sides,  a bunch  of  oak-leaves  is  tied.  Counting 
in  the  oak-leaves,  four  kinds  of  plants  may  be  distinguished.  This  ‘bed’  is  a 
symbol  of  vegetation,  and  embodies  a prayer  for  rain,  without  which  nothing 
will  grow. 


VI.  — ‘EYES’  (SI'KULI). 


An  ‘ eye  ’ is  a cross,  of  bamboo  splints  or  of  straw,  interwoven  with  variously 
colored  twine  or  yarn  in  the  form  of  a square,  which  is  set  diagonally.  The  string 
is  wound  around  the  sticks  from  the  centre  outward,  the  loops  being  so  placed 
that  one  side  of  the  square  is  smooth,  while  on  the  reverse  side  the  sticks  are 
plainly  noticeable.  Occasionally  one  stick  may  show  on  one  side  of  the  square,  and 
the  other  on  the  other  side.  Some  of  the  large  ‘ eyes  ’ are  made  with  a double 
weaving,  so  as  to  present  a smooth  surface  on  both  sides.  In  a few  cases  the 
central  part  is  left  open  (see,  for  instance,  Fig.  93).  The  colors  used  vary 
according  to  the  god  for  whom  the  ‘ eyes  ’ are  made.  Sometimes  the  sticks  are  of 
equal  length  ; but  generally  one  stick  is  much  longer  than  the  other,  for  conven- 
ience in  tying  the  ‘ eye  ’ to  the  head  of  a child  or  to  an  arrow,  for  transfixing  some 
object  that  may  be  tied  to  an  arrow,  or  for  placing  the  ‘ eye  ’ upright  in  the  ground. 
Those  in  which  the  sticks  are  of  equal  length  are  hung  to  arrows  or  to  the  roofs 
of  god-houses,  and  are  attached  by  the  free  end  of  the  string  from  which  the 
object  is  made. 

With  the  Huichol,  the  ‘ eye  ’ is  the  symbol  of  the  power  of  seeing  and  under- 
standing unknown  things.  Kauyuma'li,  one  of  the  gods  who  put  the  world  into 
shape,  was  able  by  its  use  to  see  into  the  earth,  and  to  see  everything  above  it. 
The  shamans  of  old,  according  to  the  Indians,  were  able  to  see  the  Mothers  by 
the  same  means.  In  the  beginning  of  the  world,  the  moon  was  called  si'kuli, 
which  my  Indian  informant  interpreted  as  signifying  a mirror. 

The  prayer  expressed  by  this  symbolic  object  is  that  the  eye  of  the  god  may 
rest  on  the  supplicant.  ‘ Eyes  ’ are  especially  used  at  the  feast  of  green  squashes, 
being  tied  to  the  children’s  heads  in  an  upright  position  by  means  of  a hair-ribbon. 
They  are  thought  to  insure  health  to  the  children.  A shaman’s  plume  is  stuck 
underneath  the  same  hair-ribbon.  At  this  feast,  some  ‘ eyes  ’ are  also  placed  up- 
right in  the  ground  near  the  squashes,  and  express  prayers  for  health  and  luck 
and  plenty  to  eat.  Other  objects  of  this  kind  may  be  deposited  in  the  god-houses, 
usually  attached  to  an  arrow  or  a chair,  and  indicate  prayers  for  the  health  of  a 
child,  or  for  luck,  principally  in  handiwork. 

The  ‘ eye  ’ will  also  be  recognized  as  a design  in  other  ceremonial  objects, 
for  instance,  on  front-shields  and  back-shields.  It  is  represented  by  a diamond- 
shaped figure  in  the  designs  of  many  girdles,  ribbons,  and  pouches.  The  picture 
of  the  ‘ eye’  on  the  disk  Fig.  26  and  those  on  the  disk  Fig.  39  are  unusual  rep- 
resentations. 

At  the  feast  of  green  squashes  the  si'kuli  represents  a male  squash-flower. 
As  the  Indian  would  say,  “since  this  flower  could  not  become  a squash,  it  was 
serviceable  as  an  ‘eye’  for  the  children  at  the  feast  of  green  squashes.”  Here 
it  is  particularly  the  eye  of  Mother  East-Water,  in  whose  honor  the  feast  is  held  ; 
for  she  is  the  creator  of  squashes  and  of  all  flowers,  and  takes  special  care  of 

[154] 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 55 


Fig.  igo.  The  Squash-Plant  (koloku'ra).  (From  an  Indian  pencil  drawing.) 

a , The  ground  ; b , The  seed  and  its  root;  c , The  vine  • d , The  young  leaves 
(rawa'li  or  sawa'li)  ; e , Full-grown  leaves  (rawa'li  or  sawa'li)  \/y  Squashes  (ru'tsi); 
g,  The  squash-stems  (wapu')  ; h , Male  flowers  (rawa'  or  sawa'),  si'kuli. 


children.  Squashes  must  not  be  eaten  until  this  feast  takes  place.  It  was  Mother 
East-Water’s  son,  Kauyuma'li,  who  first  made  use  of  the  ‘eye.’  I reproduce 
here  a drawing  of  the  squash-plant  (Fig.  190),  made  by  a shaman  friend  of  mine, 
which  will  give  a clear  understanding  of  the  subject.  The  plant,  with  squashes, 
leaves,  and  vine,  is  called  kolo- 
ku'ra. The  flowers  which  fruc- 
tify, not  shown  in  the  drawing, 
are  called  uipufli. 

As  is  well  known,  the  calyx 
of  the  squash-flower  is  filled  with 
wool,  therefore  the  Indians  say 
that  the  fruit  grows  out  of  the 
wool.  The  latter  is  considered 
by  them  as  cotton-wool  (kiipu'ri). 

This  becomes  a very  important 
factor  in  their  interpretation  of 
this  symbolic  object ; for,  in  the 

conception  of  the  Huichol,  the  male  flower  was  first  cotton-wool,  then  it  became 
an  ‘eye,’  and  now  it  is  both  ; therefore  the  edge  of  the  symbolic  object  is  con- 
sidered as  cotton-wool,  while  the  central  part  is  an  ‘eye.’ 

The  idea  expressed  by  cotton-wool,  the  relation  of  which  to  the  ‘ eye  ’ is 
generally  emphasized  by  tying  wads  of  cotton-wool  to  the  corners  of  the  ‘ eye,’ 
is  the  same  as  always,  health  and  life.  Therefore  the  ‘ eyes  ’ 
placed  on  the  children’s  heads  express  prayers  that  the  eyes 
of  the  goddess  may  rest  on  the  children,  and  that  she  may 
keep  them  in  health. 

The  feast  of  green  squashes  is  called  wima'kwari  (‘  to 
beat  the  drum’).  It  is  held  in  October.  The  men  run  deer 
and  gather  the  squashes.  In  the  mean  while  the  shaman, 
seated  in  his  armchair,  facing  as  usual  the  door-opening  of 
the  temple  (east),  beats  his  drum  and  sings  from  early  morn- 
ing until  sunset.  On  the  same  day  the  women  bring  the 
children  to  the  temple,  and  place  them  on  both  sides  of  the 
shaman.  Tied  to  each  child’s  head  are  a shaman’s  plume 
and  an  ‘eye.’  At  this  feast  the  children  are  called  tuwai'no. 
They  carry  rattles  in  their  hands  ; but  if  a child  is  very 
small,  the  mother  holds  the  rattle  for  it.  The  rattle,  which 
is  called  kai'tsa,  is  made  from  a hard  fruit  resembling  a 
small  gourd,  that  grows  on  a certain  tree  found  in  the  hot 
country,  for  instance  in  the  canon  of  San  Juan  Peyotan. . The  rattling  noise  is  pro- 
duced by  small  stones,  which  are  picked  from  ant-hills  and  put  inside.  The 
same  kind  of  rattle  (Fig.  19 1)  is  used  at  the  so-called  matachines, — a certain 
dance  which  has  developed  from  a church  festival. 


Fig.  191  (iff*).  Rattle. 
(Length,  18  cm.) 


i56 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


The  children  stand  on  each  side  of  the  shaman  so  as  to  form  a row,  which 
extends  towards  the  door-opening  (Fig.  192).  At  the  end  of  each  row  stands  a 
shaman  called  Ve'rik3  (the  rabbit  sun),  to  guard  them.  The  shamans  also  carry 
rattles  in  their  hands.  The  men  return  from  the  deer-hunt  after  sunset,  and  corn- 
cakes  and  native  beer  are  offered  to  the  children,  the  ‘ eyes  ’ and  the  rattles  having 
first  been  taken  away  from  them  by  their  parents.  During  this  ceremony  the 
children  stand  together  on  both  sides  of  the  shaman,  and  the  people  form  a semi- 
circle in  front  of  him  (Fig.  193).  The  guardians  of  the  children  stand  at  the  ends 


d 


he  is  seated  ; e , The  drum  which  he  beats. 


Fig.  193.  Feast  of  Green  Squashes. 
2.  After  sunset.  (From  an  Indian 
pencil  drawing.) 

The  shamans  guarding  the  chil- 
dren ; b , b , The  children  ; r,  The  singing 
shaman  ; r/,  The  drum  ; e , jars  in  which 
the  squashes  are  cooked ; y,  Heap  of 
squashes  ; g,  The  people. 

The  temple  and  its  opening  are  indi- 
cated surrounding  the  groups. 


Fig.  194.  Feast  of 
Green  Squashes. 
3.  Early  morning, 
before  sunrise. 
(From  an  Indian 
pencil  drawing.) 


People  are  here 
represented  stand- 
ing around  the 
squashes. 


of  the  semicircle,  next  to  them.  To  the  right  of  the  children  is  a heap  of  squashes 
which  are  to  be  cooked,  and  to  the  left  are  the  jars  to  be  used  for  that  purpose. 

The  children  are  then  carried  to  their  homes,  while  singing  and  dancing 
continue  in  the  temple  all  night.  The  next  morning  the  children  are  brought 
back.  Before  sunrise,  the  squashes,  which  have  now  all  been  cooked,  are  taken 
out  of  the  jars,  and  first  given  to  the  children,  and  then  to  the  grown  people  (Fig. 
194).  At  this  festival  the  adults  drink  hi'kuli,  but  native  brandy  is  not  allowed. 

During  the  feast,  ancient  girdles  (p.  186)  are  hung  up  next  to  the  squashes. 
They  are  supposed  to  keep  the  children  from  getting  tired  when  “ they  go  yon- 
der where  the  water  springs  forth.”  This  expression  is  taken  from  the  song  used 
at  the  feast. 

The  hair  of  children,  from  the  age  of  two  years  up,  is  cut  by  the  grandfather 
once  a year  until  it  has  been  cut  five  times.  A ceremonial  arrow  is  left  with  the 
hair  in  the  god-house,  as  a prayer  for  favors,  and  for  the  growth  of  more  hair. 
After  the  hair  has  been  cut  five  times,  the  parents  leave  an  ‘ eye  ’ and  a textile  of 
ixtle  (‘bed’)  in  the  god-house  of  Mother  East-Water  at  Teaka'ta,  that  the  child 
may  not  get  sick. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  feast  is  accompanied  by  much  noise  of  the  drum 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


l57 


time,  so  the  myth  relates,  the  squash  was  a little 


Figs. 

(Length, 


Fig.  196. 

195  (iik  g),  196  (hj  £),  197  (?e4i  *)•  4 Eyes  ’ of  Mother  East-Water. 
8 cm.,  18  cm.,  11.5  cm.) 


and  the  rattle.  Once  upon  a 
girl  whose  name  was  Riku'- 
ama,  the  name  referring  to 
her  as  making  a rattling  noise 
with  bells  (riku'a)  or  some 
other  object.  Perhaps  this 
was  originally  suggested  by 
the  rattling  noise  which  the 
dry  seeds  make  inside  of  the 
squash  when  shaken. 


Figs.  195-197  represent 
three  ‘ eyes  ’ worn  by  chil- 
dren at  the  feast,  all  dedicated 
to  Mother  East- Water  (Tate' 

Naaliwa'mi  si'kuli).  They 
range  in  size  from  8 to  18  cm. 

The  first  of  these  has  a white 
centre,  surrounded  by  sections  of  blue,  followed  by  a white  and  a blue  section  ; the 

one  shown  in  Fig.  196 
has  a yellow  centre,  sur- 
rounded by  a white  and 
then  a yellow  section 
with  a white  border; 
and  the  third  specimen 
has  a dark-blue  central 
part,  surrounded  by  red. 

The  ‘ eyes  ’ left  next 
to  the  squashes  are 
larger,  the  long  stick  in 
most  cases  ranging  in 
size  from  25  cm.  to  80 
cm.  Some  of  them  are 
dedicated  to  Mother 
East-Water,  and  others 
to  Mother  West-Water. 
Those  shown  in  Figs. 
198  and  199  are  dedi- 
cated to  Mother  East- 
Water.  The  centre  of 
the  former  is  dark  blue, 
followed  by  sections  of 
white,  red,  white,  and 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


158 


yellow  ; the  centre  of  the  latter  is  light  blue,  followed  by  a section  of  black 
edored  with  red. 

o 

The  specimen  seen  in  Fig.  200  is  dedicated  to  Mother  West-Water.  It  was 
originally  hung  to  an  arrow,  but  was  found  detached  in  the  cave  of  the  Mother 
near  the  Cora  pueblo  of  San  Francisco.  In  this  ‘ eye  ’ both  sides  present  a smooth 
'surface,  the  colors  on  one  side  being  black  in  the  * 
central  part,  and  the  rest  white,  while  the  other 
side  is  uniformly  black. 

In  Fig.  201  is  seen  one  which  is  of  an  excep- 
tional shape,  being  hexagonal.  It  was  also  found 
in  the  same  cave  of  Mother  West- Water,  having 
first  served  at  the  feast  of  green  squashes.  Its 
color  is  gray. 

The  ‘eyes  ’ which  are  stuck  into  the  ground 
next  to  the  squashes  are  placed  in  such  a way  that 


Fig.  200  (b6z\).  1 Eye’  of  Mother  West-Water. 

(Diameter,  20  cm.) 


one  side  faces  the  east,  and  the  other  side  the  west ; in  the  language  of  the  In- 
dian, they  are  “ looking  towards  the  east  and  towards  the  west,  even  if  the  Indian 
is  sleeping.”  This  throws  light  on  the  fact  that  the  large  kind  of  ‘eye  ’ often  has 
a smooth  surface  on  both  sides.  After  the  feast  they  are  carried  to  the  god- 
houses  of  the  respective  Mothers. 

‘ Eyes  ’ used  on  other  occasions  than  at  the  feast  of  green  squashes  are 
mostly  small,  of  the  same  size  as  those  tied  to  the  children’s  heads.  In  the  col- 
lection made  in  1898  there  are  seven  which  express  prayers  for  the  health  of 
children,  and  which  were  deposited  for  that  purpose  in  various  god-houses.  The 
gods  to  whom  these  specimens  were  dedicated  are  Grandfather  Fire  (two  speci- 
mens), Kauyuma'li  (four),  and  Ka'tsi  (one  specimen).  Iva'tsi  is  one  of  the 
impersonations  of  the  god  of  fire.  FI  is  complete  name  is  Ka'tsi  Urai'meka, 
alluding  to  the  facial  painting  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers  (u'ra,  ‘spark’).  The  god- 
house  belonging  to  this  deity  is  at  Teaka'ta. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


159 


There  are  three  small  ‘ eyes  ’ which  were  offered  for  other  purposes.  The 
first  (Fig.  202)  is  dedicated  to  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  si'kuli). 
It  is  from  his  god-house 
at  Teaka'ta,  where  it  was 
stuck  in  the  ground.  Its 
color  is  red,  with  a blue 
border.  A rectangular 
scrap,  a piece  of  cotton- 
cloth  without  any  hem, 
is  attached  to  the  ‘ eye.’ 

The  upper  end  of  the 
long  stick  is  thrust 
through  one  corner  of 
the  cloth.  On  the  cloth 
there  is  a simple  design 
of  embroidery  in  red 
yarn,  rudely  executed.  It 
represents  a snare  or 
Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamo- 
ye'ke neali'ka  (cf  p”.  135). 

It  expresses  a prayer  that 
a child  may  be  successful 
in  learning  to  embroider. 

The  next  ‘eye’  (Fig.  203)  is  dedicated  to  Ivat'si  (Ka'tsi  si'kuli),  and  is  from 
Teaka'ta,  where  it  had  been  stuck  upright  in  the  ground  in  the  god-house.  The 

centre  is  red,  followed  by  blue,  and  then 
white.  It  has  an  attachment  in  the 
shape  of  a small  woollen  textile,  through 
which  the  long  stick  has  been  thrust. 
The  textile  is  white,  except  for  a short 
space  about  the  middle,  where  the  woof 
is  made  from  a red  thread.  The  prayer 
expressed  is  that  Ka'tsi  may  keep  his 
eye  on  the  textile  which  the  supplicant 
is  going  to  weave,  and  help  her. 

The  third  (Fig.  204),  which  is 
dedicated  to  Tate'  Tuliriki'ta,  is  not  fin- 
ished with  the  usual  care.  The  cross 
is  merely  wound  with  a yarn  made  from 
cotton-wool.  It  was  found  in  the  cave 

Fig.  205  (xlfa).  1 Eye  ’ of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail. 

(Diameter,  16 cm.)  of  this  Mother,  near  Santa  Catarina, 

and  is  a prayer  for  luck  in  raising  cotton. 

Finally,  in  Fig.  205  is  shown  an  ‘ eye’  which  forms  the  seat  of  a ceremonial 


Fig.  202. 


Fig.  203. 


Fig.  204. 


Fig.  202  (yjls).  1 Eye  ’ of  Elder  Brother.  (Length,  15  cm.) 
Fig.  203  (jali)*  ‘ Eye’  of  Ka'tsi.  (Length,  16  cm.) 

Fig.  204  (yffs).  1 Eye  ’ of  Tate'  Tuliriki'ta.  (Length,  19  cm.) 


i6o 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


stool  dedicated  to  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail.  The  stool  was  taken  from  the 
god-house  of  this  deity  at  Teaka'ta,  and  the  ‘ eye  ’ is  accordingly  that  of  the  god. 
The  colors  of  this  ‘ eye  ’ are,  central  part  red,  followed  by  sections  of  yellow, 
white,  red,  yellow,  light  blue,  white,  yellow,  white.  The  man  who  deposited  the 
stool  did  so,  that  the  god  might  keep  an  eye  on  the  maker,  and  lend  him  a hand 
in  his  work  of  making  stools  (cf  Fig.  69). 

The  symbolic  object  which  we  have  described  has  no  doubt  a wide  distri- 
bution among  the  tribes  of  the  western  coast.  The  Coras  have  ‘eyes’  similar  to 
those  of  the  Huichol,  and  they  are  found  among  the  Tarahumares,  where  they  are 
called  wisi'ma.  Among  the  latter  they  are  rare.  The  sticks  of  the  one  I secured 
were  of  equal  length,  and  the  colors  were  yellow  and  black.  It  was  hung  to  the 
end  of  a staff,  and  used  by  the  shamans  for* warding  off  diseases  or  sorcery,  for 
which  purpose  they  wave  it  forwards  and  backwards.  As  is  well  known,  sym- 
bolic objects  of  this  kind  are  found  in  great  quantities  in  the  ancient  graves  of 
Peru.  It  is  noteworthy  that  on  a mummy  with  a false  head,  from  Ancon  in 
Peru,  in  the  possession  of  this  Museum,  they  actually  serve  as  eyes.  They  are 
diamond-shaped,  and  have  been  so  placed  that  the  acute  angles  correspond  to  the 
corners  of  the  eyes. 


VII.— VOTIVE  BOWLS  (RUKU'LI). 


Votive  bowls  are,  as  a rule,  the  ordinary  drinking-gourds  of  the  Huichols, 
more  or  less  adorned  to  serve  as  sacrifices  to  the  gods.  The  usual  drinking-bowl 
(Sp.  jicara ) is  simply  a section  of  a gourd  cut  from  the  end  nearest  the  stem. 
The  inside  is  painted  red  or  green  ; the  coloring-matter,  which  is  mixed  with  the 
ground,  oily  seed  wa've,  being  rubbed  on  with  the  hand.  This  coating  serves  not 
only  to  ornament  the  gourd,  but  also  to  preserve  it  and  make  it  water-tight.  In 
regard  to  the  colors  employed,  see  pp.  24,  25.  The  best  specimens  are  selected 
for  ceremonial  use,  and  the  usual  size  is  about  12  cm.  in  diameter  and  4 cm. 
in  depth.  They  are  very  often  smaller,  but  seldom  larger.  Others  of  earthen- 
ware are  generally  smaller  than  the  gourd  vessels.  An  essential  characteristic  of 
the  votive  bowl  is  its  ornamentation  with  glass  beads,  which,  by  means  of  bees- 
wax, are  attached  in  the  form  of  symbolic  figures  to  the  inside,  and  in  rare  cases 
also  to  the  outside.  Sometimes  the  beeswax  is  put  on  so  thick  that  the  figures 
stand  out  in  relief,  as  in  Fig.  211.  The  beads  are  either  put  on  in  strings  or  one 
by  one.  No  doubt  in  ancient  times  shell  beads  were  used  for  this  purpose. 
Grains  of  corn,  artificial  flowers,  wads  of  cotton-wool,  and  sometimes  even 
plumes,  are  attached  to  the  inside. 

The  votive  bowls  are  almost  as  commonly  used  for  sacrifice  as  the  ceremo- 
nial arrows.  The  prayers  thereby  expressed  are  essentially  the  same,  — for  food, 
health,  and  luck  (including  luck  in  making  the  real  arrow  or  bowl)  ; still  the 
votive  bowls  are  not  considered  quite  as  valuable.  They  are  smeared  with 
blood  before  being  sacrificed.  They  are  never  attached  to  ceremonial  arrows. 
Votive  bowls,  or  their  conventional  representations,  must  be  considered  as 
drinking-gourds  offered  to  the  gods,  who,  so  to  speak,  drink  in  the  prayers  of 
the  people. 

The  votive  bowl  appeared  first  on  the  head  of  a roe.  Elder  Brother  Kau- 
yuma'li,  the  god  who  taught  the  ancient  people  how  to  obtain  favors  from  the 
gods,  is  the  one  who  also  showed  them  how  to  adorn  drinking-gourds  for  ceremo- 
nial purposes.  Votive  bowls  are  frequently  mentioned  in  the  mythology  in  con- 
nection with  this  god.  He  and  the  other  gods  put  the  world  into  shape  with  the 
help  of  votive  bowls  and  ceremonial  arrows.  In  order  to  secure  the  necessary 
blood  to  smear  on  the  votive  bowl,  these  shapers  of  the  world  had  to  kill  a roe, 
who  was  a woman,  whereby  they  offended  the  underworld  people.  During  the 
fight  that  ensued,  Kauyuma'li  saw  his  chance  to  snatch  from  his  opponents  their 
votive  bowl,  which  contained  hi'kuli. 

Below  are  described  some  specimens  of  votive  bowls,  the  ordinary  kind 
being  first  shown,  then  some  simple  forms,  and  finally  some  extraordinarily  elabo- 
rate ones. 

Fig.  206  is  a votive  bowl  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  ruku'li),  from  the  temple  of 
San  Jose,  near  San  Andres.  The  inside  is  painted  red.  Attached  to  the  centre 

[161] 


162 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


of  the  bottom  is  a coil  of  blue  beads,  with  a few  red  ones  interspersed,  represent- 
ing the  sun.  On  top  of  it  is  fastened  a white  and  yellow  paper  flower,  a symbol 
of  a prayer  for  life.  To  one  side  is  a large  wavy  design  composed  of  strings  of 
yellow  beads,  with  a short  string  of  red  beads  in  the  middle  towards  one  side. 
This  represents  the  sea  in  the  west.  Further,  there  are  on  the  inside  four  coils 
of  beads,  the  two  on  one  side  of  the  yellow  design  being  white  ; and  the  two  on 
the  other  side,  one  white  and  one  red.  They  represent  clouds.  On  the  open 
space  between  the  coils  is  a piece  of  wax  on  which  is  an  indistinct  impression 
of  a Mexican  ten-cent  piece.  This  bowl  expresses  the  prayer  that  the  rising 
and  setting  Sun,  the  life-giver  as  well  as  life-destroyer,  may  be  surrounded  by 
clouds.  The  clouds  are  mostly  white,  but  also  roseate,  as  they  appear  through 
the  light  of  the  sun.  The  ten-cent  piece  was  attached  as  an  additional  sacrifice. 


Fig.  206  (($£).  Votive  Bowl  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  12.5 
cm.  ; depth,  4 cm.) 


Fig.  207  (/is).  Votive  Bowl  of  Deer  Gods  in  the  North  and 
South.  (Diam.,  13  cm.  ; height,  5.5  cm.) 


Fig.  207  shows  a votive  bowl  of  the  deer  gods  in  the  north  and  south 
(Tama'ts  O'to  Ta'wi  and  Tama'ts  Wawatsa'li  ruku'li).  It  is  from  one  of  the 
god-houses  of  the  temple  of  Bastita.  The  inside  is  painted  green.  In  the  centre 
is  a starlike  figure  in  yellow,  surrounded  on  the  edges  by  blue.  This  represents 
a section  of  an  ear  of  corn  with  seven  rows  of  grains  (see  p.  30).  Towards  one 
side  is  seen  a similar  figure  in  dark  blue,  yellow,  rose,  and  light  blue,  which  has 
the  same  significance.  The  larger  of  the  two  deer  figures  represents  the  deer  god 
of  the  north.  I he  upper  part  of  its  body  and  its  head  consist  of  rows  of  black 
and  yellow  beads,  while  the  antlers,  chest,  belly,  feet,  and  tail  are  of  white  beads. 
On  the  other  deer  the  arrangement  of  beads  is  less  distinct,  the  beads  on  the 
upper  part  of  the  body  being  black  and  blue,  while  those  on  the  head  and  ears, 
the  under  side  of  the  body,  the  tail,  and  part  of  the  legs,  are  white.  A row  of 
black  beads  has  been  intermixed  on  the  upper  part  of  the  body,  and  two  rows  of 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 6 3 


Fig.  209. 

Figs.  208  (sYb)i  2°9  (xlfs)-  Votive  Bowls  of  Mother  East-Water.  (Diam.,  9 cm.  and 
8 cm. ; depth,  5 cm.  and  3.5  cm.) 


light  blue  ones  are  found  on  the  legs.  The  remaining  figure,  in  dark  blue,  rep- 
resents a snare  ; the  attaching  string  is  in  yellow.  The  end  of  the  string,  which 
on  the  real  snare,  as  will  be  remembered,  is  tied  to  a tree  near  by,  was  no  doubt 
here  attached  to  the  votive  bowl  itself,  but  has  become  disengaged.  The  votive 
bowl  is  a prayer  to  the  two  deer  gods,  who  are  asked  that  they  may  allow  them- 
selves to  be  caught  in  the  snare.  The  result  will  be  rain  and  corn. 

Fig.  208  is  a votive  bowl  of  Mother  East-Water  (Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  ruku'li), 
from  one  of  the  god-houses 
of  the  temple  of  Bastita. 

On  the  inside,  which  is 
painted  red,  are  seen  numer- 
ous spots,  each  composed  of 
beads  of  one  color.  They 
are  white  or  blue,  and  sym- 
bolize grains  of  corn.  The 
prayer  expressed  is  that  the 
supplicant,  through  the  rain 
which  Mother  East-Water 
will  send,  may  have  plenty 
of  corn. 

Fig.  209  is  a votive  bowl  of  the  same  Mother,  from  her  cave  near  the  pueblo 
of  Santa  Catarina.  Round  a centre  of  blue  and  white  beads,  expressive  of  corn, 
are  seen  four  zigzag  lines,  three  straight  lines,  and  one  line  partly  curved.  The 
zigzag  lines,  two  of  which  are  blue,  one  yellow,  and  one  blue  and  white,  repre- 
sent rain-serpents  in  the  east  in  the  various  colors  in  which  they  appear  to  the 
Indians.  The  rest  of  the  figures,  two  of  which  are  blue,  one  red,  and  one  blue 
and  white,  represent  falling  rain.  The  prayer  expressed  is  that  the  Mother  may 
appear  in  rain-storms,  which  give  the  Huichols  corn. 

In  the  collection  are  several  other  votive  bowls  belonging  to  this  goddess, 
more  or  less  like  the  ones  described.  In  two  of  them  are  seen  a baton  like  the 
one  in  Fig.  215,  expressive  of  lightning  (mimie'lika),  which  is  the  staff  of  this 
goddess.  These  express  prayers  that  the  lightning  may  not  strike  the  cows  and 
the  people. 

Fig.  2 10  is  a votive  bowl  of  Mother  South-Water  (Tate'  Rapawiye'ma  ruku'li), 
from  one  of  the  god-houses  of  the  temple  of  Bastita.  In  the  centre  is  fastened  a 
circular  network  of  blue  and  white  beads,  — the  same  kind  of  beadwork  as  is  used 
for  ear-ornaments  or  for  pendants  of  necklaces.  It  represents  the  sun  in  a cloud. 
At  three  different  places  are  attached  three  small  coils  made  from  strings  of 
beads,  — two  blue  and  one  white.  The  two  blue  ones  are  connected,  both  having 
been  made  from  the  same  string.  The  open  end  of  the  white  coil  extends  to  one 
of  the  blue  ones.  The  white  coil  signifies  clouds  in  the  west  ; the  blue  coil  to 
which  it  is  connected,  clouds  in  the  east ; and  the  other  blue  coil,  clouds  in  the 
south.  The  votive  bowl  is  a prayer  that  clouds  may  gather  from  the  east,  west, 


164 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Fig.  21 1 (u®5%).  Votive  Bowl  of 
Mother  West-Water,  seen  from  above. 
(Diam.,6.5  cm.  ; depth,  4 cm.) 


and  south,  so  as  to  enable  the  sun  to  appear  in  a cloud  in  the  middle  of  the  day. 
The  whole  bowl  is  dedicated  to  Mother  South-Water,  who  wields  the  greatest 

power  over  these  clouds.  The  connecting  strings 
signify  the  union  of  the  clouds  in  the  east  and 
west  with  those  in  the  south. 

V otive  bowls  of  clay 
are  in  imitation  of  those 
made  from  gourds.  But 
I here  present  one  (Fig. 

21 1)  which  has  a some- 
what different  shape, 
having  a low  base.  It 
is  from  the  cave  of  Moth- 
er West  - Water,  near 

Fig.  210  Votive  Bowl  of  Mother  South-  C r\ v- o i~\i  1 i* 

Water.  (Diam.,  9.5  cm. ; depth,  4.5  cm.)  me  LOrd  pueDlOOI  Odll 

Francisco.  The  centre 

is  taken  up  by  a coil  made  of  strings  of  white  beads,  signifying  clouds  (the  name 
of  the  Mother  associates  her  with  the  morning  mist  and  clouds).  Round  it  are 
grouped  five  figures,  all  made  of  blue,  white,  and  pink  beads  : (a)  a serpent,  in  the 
form  of  which  the  Mother  appears  ; (b)  a deer  ; (c)  a baton  of  the  Mother,  her  staff 
of  dignity;  (d)  another  deer;  (e)  a human  figure,  probably  the  Setting  Sun. 

In  the  centre  are  represented  clouds  (or  rain)  that  are  to  come  from  the  west. 
These  are  the  object  of  the  prayer.  The  goddess  is  mistress  of  the  deer  of  the 
west,  which  help  to  make  rain  ; her  staff,  lightning  in  the  west,  is  one  associated 
with  rain  ; and  the  serpent,  which  is  another  of  her  impersonations,  is  a rain- 
serpent.  The  Setting  Sun  is  the  god  of  her  region,  who  helps  to  bring  about  the 
desired  result. 

In  Figs.  2 1 2-2 1 4 are  seen  more  primitive  forms  of  votive  bowls,  the  first 
being  of  the  ordinary  kind  but  very  shallow,  and  the  other  two  being  merely 
pieces  cut  out  from  any  convenient  part  of  a gourd. 

Fig.  212  is  dedicated  to  Ka'tsi,  a god  of 
squashes  (?  cf.  p.  1 58).  It  is  painted  red  inside. 
On  the  centre  of  the  bottom  is  a coil  made 
of  blue  beads  inter- 
spersed with  whit  e. 

The  bowl  is  a prayer 
for  luck  in  raising 
squashes. 

In  Fig.  2 13  is  seen 
another  votive  bowl  of 
the  same  god.  The 
inside  is  colored  with 
indigo,  and  further 


Fig.  212  (yffs)-  Votive  Bowl  of  Ka'tsi.  (Diam.,  11 
cm.  ; depth,  1 cm.) 


1 Fig.  213  (xllg).  Votive  Bowl  of 
Ka'tsi.  (Diam.  7 cm.  ; depth.  1 cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


165 

adorned  with  a human  figure  made  of  beeswax  and  blue  beads.  It  expresses  a 
prayer  for  the  continued  health  of  a child. 

Fig.  214  shows  a votive  bowl  of  Elder  Brother  Kauyuma'li.  It  is  colored 
with  indigo.  Five  daubs  of  beeswax  set  with  dark  blue  beads  symbolize  hail- 
stones. The  bowl  expresses  a prayer  that  hail- 
storms may  not  occur. 

Finally,  I present  three  bowls  that  are  more 
elaborately  adorned  than  usual  (Figs.  215-21  7). 

Fig.  215  is  a votive  bowl  of  Father  Sun 
(Tayau'  ruku'li),  from  San  Andres.  It  is  painted 
red  inside,  and  adorned  with  the  following  de- 
signs, made  almost  entirely  of  strings  of  variously 
colored  beads. 

In  the  centre  is  the  Sun,  Tau  or  Tayau'  (a), 
mainly  in  blue,  the  rays  being  edged  with  white. 
It  is  surrounded  by  the  earth  (p),  with  its  hills, 
valleys,  and  plains  (the  straight  lines),  in  black, 
red,  green,  yellow,  and  white.  Three  zigzag 
lines  (c)  — one  in  blue  and  green,  another  in  yellow  and  green,  and  the  third 
in  black  — represent  rivers.  A stick  (d)  adorned  with  strings  of  green, 
yellow,  and  black 
beads  put  on  in 
wavy  lines  repre- 
sents the  staff  of 
dignity  of  the  Sun. 

It  is  called  iwa'ut- 
si,  and  is  fastened, 
one  end  to  the  Sun, 
and  the  other  end 
to  the  male  tiger 
(g),  one  of  the 
fierce  animals  said 
to  belong  to  him. 

Round  the  central 
decoration  of  the 
votive  bowl  are 
(e)  the  Sun  (Ta- 
ve'rika)  in  the  east, 
being  a male  figure 
in  blue  and  black, 
with  white  eyes ; 

(/)  Mother  West- 
Water,  in  the  west, 


Fig.  214  (iffy)-  Votive  Bowl  of  Elder  Brother 
KauyumaTi.  (Diam.,  10.5  cm.  ; depth,  1 cm.) 


Fig.  215  (sYtf)-  Votive  Bowl  of  Father  Sun.  (Diam.,  24  cm.  ; depth,  6 cm.) 


1 66  LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 

being  a female  figure  in  black  and  white,  with  white  eyes  ; (g)  a male 
tiger,  in  the  south,  in  black,  yellow,  red,  and  green,  the  dark  colors  being 
applied  to  the  body,  — a ‘ man  ’ who  lives  where  the  sun  rises  ; ( h ) a female  tiger, 
in  the  north,  of  the  same  colors,  but  differently  arranged,  the  light  colors  being 
used  on  the  body.  Underneath  this  tiger  is  (z)  a figure  which  my  shaman 
informant  called  Tata  con  la  corona  ( ‘ father  with  the  crown  ’).  As  said  before, 
Tata  is  the  vulgar  expression  for  ‘ father.’  The  maker  had,  like  many  Spanish- 
speaking Huichols,  a vague  knowledge  of  Christianity,  which  he  wanted  to  show 
off  ; on  this  occasion,  however,  making  the  mistake  of  calling  the  Virgin  Mary 
Tata  instead  of  Nana  (‘  mother  ’).  The  remaining  figures  are  (/)  Mother  South- 
Water,  in  red  and  black;  ( k ) Sa'mayoi,  a deity  in  the  north,  in  red;  (/)  a 
bird  (called  Malu'i)  that  lives  on  the  coast,  and  guards  the  people,  in  red  ; ( m ) 
the  chair  of  the  Sun,  in  red  ; ( o ) the  male  red-tailed  hawk,  in  black  and  yellow  ; 
(/>)  the  female  bird  of  the  same  hawk,  in  yellow  and  red;  ( q ) a male  deer,  in 
black,  with  green  antlers  ; (z")  a roe,  in  green  and  black  ; (V)  two  clouds,  one  in 
green,  one  in  black.  Between  the  figures  e and  j is  a triangle  in  black  and 
green,  representing  the  chair  in  the  Palacio  Nacional,  in  the  City  of  Mexico.  A 
double  zigzag  design  in  blue  and  white  beads,  which  runs  along  the  outside  edge 
of  the  bowl,  indicates  the  sea  surrounding  the  world. 

The  bowl  expresses  in  a general  way  the  Iduichol  conception  of  the  world 
and  some  of  its  deities.  The  Sun,  to  whom  the  bowl  is  dedicated,  is  the  father  of 
all,  who  illuminates  the  world,  and  manifests  his  power  in  heat.  Some  of  the 
gods  (all  supposed  to  dwell  on  the  outskirts  of  the  country  of  the  Huichols) 
are  here  reproduced  with  their  attendant  animals,  ceremonial  chairs,  and  the 
clouds  which  they  have  the  power  to  bring.  Further  interpretation  may  be 
inferred  from  previous  expositions. 

Fig.  216  shows  a votive  bowl  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  ruku'li),  from  San 
Andres.  Both  this  and  the  next  specimen  were  made  for  me  by  an  intelligent 
Spanish-speaking  Huichol  of  San  Andres,  whom  I furnished  with  the  necessary 
beads.  From  an  artistic  point  of  view,  they  are  somewhat  remarkable,  the  beads 
having  been  formed  into  figures  without  any  previous  drawings  being  made.  The 
bowls  are  almost  entirely  adorned  with  single  beads,  — by  far  the  most  laborious 
way,  as  each  bead  has  to  be  threaded  on  a thong  of  maguey,  and  then  placed 
in  its  proper  place  on  the  wax  which  covers  the  parts  to  be  ornamented.  It 
is  safe  to  say  that  no  other  Huichol  is  able  to  do  the  work  so  well ; nor  are 
votive  bowls  so  luxuriously  adorned,  because  it  would  cost  too  much,  from  an 
Indian  point  of  view.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  emblematic  designs  are  com- 
paratively few  in  both  specimens,  the  symbolic  language  expressed  in  votive 
bowls  in  general  being  no  doubt  quite  limited. 

The  inside  (Fig.  216,  a)  is  painted  red,  but  is  almost  entirely  covered  with 
bead  decorations.  The  outside  is  also  completely  covered  with  beads,  except  the 
bottom.  The  central  part  of  the  inside  is  a cross,  symbolic  of  the  four  quarters 
of  the  world,  surrounded  by  concentric  circles  of  blue  and  black  beads,  and  a 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


167 


zigzag  of  white  beads  symbolic  of  the  mountains  and  valleys  of  the  world.  The 


rest  of  the 


figures 


on  the  inside  are : (<2) 


the  ‘face’  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau' 
neali'ka),  in  red,  surrounded  by 
variously  colored  beads ; (b)  the 
‘face’  of  Mother  East-Water,  the 
colors  being  mainly  white  and  blue, 
surrounded  on  each  side  by  batons 
symbolic  of  lightning  (green  and 
yellow);  (c)  the  ‘ face  ’ of  Mother 


Fig.  216,  a (5x5).  Votive  Bowl  of  Father  Sun,  (Diam.,  14  cm.;  depth,  5 cm.)  Fig.  216,  b (5x5).  Portion  of  Bottom  of  Votive  Bowl  of  Father  Sun. 


West-Water,  in  blue,  surrounded  by  variously  colored  beads,  mostly  arranged 
in  the  form  of  emanating  rays ; id)  a hen,  in  white,  surrounded  by  an  ornamental 
design  ; (e)  the  ‘ face  ’ of 


Mother  South- Water,  the 
colors  being  mainly  white 
and  blue  ; if)  the  emblem 
of  the  Christian  cross,  in 
green  and  red. 

The  outside  decora- 
tions are  largely  ornament- 
al, but  across  the  bottom  is 
a band  (Fig.  216,  b)  con- 
sisting of  alternate  trans- 
verse rows  of  green  and 
white  beads.  This,  as  the 
maker  said,  was  meant  to 
express  a message  from  his 
young  son,  of  whom  he  was 
very  fond,  dedicating  the 
bowl  to  Porfirio  Diaz,  the 
president  of  Mexico. 


Fig.  217  (z\t)‘  Votive  Bowl  of  Mother  East-Water.  (Diam.,  20.5  cm.  ; depth,  8 cm.) 


Fig.  217  is  even  more  completely  decorated  inside  and  outside  and  also  on 


1 68  LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 

the  edge,  and  is  quite  heavy  from  the  weight  of  the  beads.  It  belongs  to  Mother 
East-Water  (Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  ruku'li).  In  the  inside  are  seen  four  deer  — two 
male,  and  two  female  — and  a deer-head,  also  crosses ; and  on  the  outside,  a deer 
and  crosses.  Most  of  the  beadwork,  however,  is  ornamental.  As  in  the  preced- 
ing specimen,  the  bottom  is  decorated  with  a band  consisting  of  alternate  transverse 
rows  of  blue  and  white  beads,  meant  to  express  the  name  of  the  maker’s  son, 
Fermin  Gonsalez  Minjares. 


VIII.  — THE  ARK  OF  THE  DELUGE  LEGEND. 


. The  Huichols  have  a story  of  a deluge,  during  which  one  man  was  saved  in 
a boat  or  ark,  specimens  of  which  are  occasionally  manufactured  and  sacrificed  as 
a means  of  causing  rain.  The  myth  of  the  Deluge  is  as  follows  : — 

“ A Huichol  was  at  work  felling  trees  in  the  preparation  of  his  field 
for  planting ; but  each  day  he  found  that  the  trees  he  had  cut  down  on  the 
previous  day  had  grown  up  again.  He  worried  over  this,  and  grew  tired  of 
working;  but  still  he  came  on  the  fifth  day  to  try  once  more,  bent  upon  finding 
out  how  it  happened.  Soon  there  rose  from  the  ground,  in  the  middle  of  the 
clearing,  an  old  woman  with  a staff  in  her  hand.  She  pointed  with  her  staff 
towards  Tate  Rapawiye'ma  ( the  south],  then  towards  Tama'ts  O'to  Ta'wi  and 
Tate'  Hau'tse  Kupu'ri  [the  north],  then  towards  Tate'  Kyewimo'ka  and  Sakaimo'- 
ka  [the  west],  towards  Uwio'tali  [female],  the  east,  and  towards  Tate'  Ve'lika 
Uima'li  [above],  and  finally  towards  Tate'vali  [below];  and  all  the  trees  which 
the  young  man  had  cut  down  immediately  stood  up.  Then  he  understood  how 
it  was  that  his  clearing  was  always  covered  with  trees. 

“ Annoyed,  he  exclaimed,  ‘ Is  it  you  who  are  undoing  my  work  all  the  time  ? ’ 

“ ‘ Yes,’  she  said,  ‘because  I want  to  talk  to  you.’ 

“ The  woman,  who  was  Tako'tsi  Nakawe',  told  him  that  he  was  working  in 
vain.  ‘A.  great  flood  is  coming,’ she  said.  ‘It  is  not  more  than  five  days  off. 
There  will  come  a wind,  very  bitter,  and  sharp  as  chile,  which  will  make  you 
cough.  Make  a box  from  the  fig-tree  ( salate ) as  long  as  yourself,  and  fit  it  with 
a good  cover.  Take  with  you  five  grains  of  corn  of  each  color,  five  beans  of  each 
color  ; take  also  the  fire,  and  five  squash-stems  to  feed  it  with  ; and  take  with  you 
a black  bitch.’ 

“ The  young  man  did  as  Nakawe'  had  told  him.  On  the  fifth  day  he  had  the 
box  ready,  and  placed  in  it  the  things  he  was  told  of.  Then  he  entered,  taking 
with  him  the  bitch  ; and  the  old  woman  put  the  cover  on.  She  calked  every  crack 
with  glue  from  the  root  of  the  plant  kwe'tsaka,  asking  him  to  indicate  where  there 
was  an  opening.  Then  she  seated  herself  on  top  of  the  box,  with  a macaw  perched 
on  her  shoulder.  The  box  rode  on  the  water  one  year  towards  the  south,  next 
towards  the  north,  the  third  year  towards  the  west,  the  fourth  towards  the  east,  and 
in  the  fifth  year  it  rose  upward,  and  all  the  world  was  filled  with  water.  The  next 
year  the  water  began  to  subside,  and  the  box  stopped  on  a mountain  near  Toapu'li 
[Santa  Catarina],  where  it  may  still  be  seen.  The  man  took  off  the  cover,  and 
saw  that  all  the  country  was  still  full  of  water;  but  the  macaws  and  the  parrots 
made  valleys  with  their  beaks,  and  the  water  commenced  to  run,  and  the  birds 
separated  it  into  five  seas.  Then  it  began  to  dry  up,  and  trees  and  grass  sprang 
forth,  aided  by  the  earth  Mother  (Tate'  Yuliana'ka). 

“ Nakawe'  became  wind,  but  the  man  went  on  with  his  work  of  clearing  the 
field.  He  lived  with  his  bitch  in  a cave  ; and  in  the  daytime,  while  he  was  in  the 

[i69] 


I/O 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


field,  she  remained  at  home.  Every  afternoon,  on  coming  back,  he  found  corn- 
cakes  ready  for  him.  He  was  curious  to  know  who  made  them.  After  five 
days  had  passed,  he  seated  himself  among  the  bushes  near  the  cave  to  watch. 
He  saw  the  bitch  take  off  her  skin  and  hang  it  up.  Then  he  noticed  that  she  was 
a woman,  who  knelt  down  to  grind  corn  on  the  metate.  He  stealthily  advanced 
towards  her,  approaching  from  behind,  and  quickly  caught  the  skin  and'  threw  it 
into  the  fire.  ‘ Now  you  have  burned  my  tunic  ! ’ she  cried,  and  began  to  whine 
like  a dog.  He  bathed  her  with  water  mixed  with  the  ground  corn  she  had  pre- 
pared, and  she  felt  refreshed,  and  from  that  time  on  she  remained  a woman.  He 
had  a large  family,  and  his  sons  and  daughters  married,  and  the  world  became 
peopled,  and  they  lived  in  caves. 

“ When  he  set  to  work  to  plant  corn,  he  thrust  a pointed  stick  into  the 
ground,  making  a hole,  in  which  he  left  a few  grains  ; but  nothing  sprang  forth 
except  stones,  because  he  planted  corn  as  the  ‘ neighbors  ’ [the  Mexicans]  do. 
Then  he  asked  the  Mother  Above  for  a stick  with  which  to  make  the  holes,  and 
now  the  corn  grew  well  ; and  he  also  planted  beans  and  squashes.  He  planted 
the  first  year  in  the  south,  and  the  second  in  the  north,  the  third  in  the  west,  the 
fourth  in  the  east,  and  in  the  fifth  year  he  planted  corn  here  in  Toapu'li.” 


Fig.  218  (sjV 


).  The  Huichol  Ark.  (Length,  without  covers,  23.5  cm. ; diam.  of  covers,  14  cm.) 


a,  Side  View  ; b , c,  Front  View  of  Covers. 


Fig.  218  shows  a side  view  of  the  ark  and  separate  front  views  of  the  two 
covers  at  the  ends.  It  will  be  noticed  at  a glance  that  it  does  not  exactly  answer 
to  the  description  given  in  the  myth  ; but  traditions  always  vary  somewhat,  and 
in  one  version  of  the  Deluge  legend  preserved  by  the  Coras  the  ark  is  described 
as  a hollow  log  covered  up  at  each  end.  The  specimen  here  shown  is  from  Santa 
Catarina,  and  was  made  by  one  of  the  principal  men.  It  is  a copy  of  one  I saw 
being  made  by  the  officers  of  the  temple.  On  that  occasion  (in  December),  and 
as  a means  of  securing  rain  for  the  coming  year,  ceremonial  objects,  such  as  arrows, 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


171 


votive  bowls  adorned  largely  with  grains  of  corn,  etc.,  were  made  in  the  temple  to 
be  used  as  sacrifices.  Among  the  objects  was  such  an  ark.  Fresh  green  hi'kuli- 
plants  were  also  to  be  sacrificed,  the  specimens  selected  consisting  of  three  or  four 
grown  together,  and  grains  of  corn  were  squeezed  in  between  the  plants  of  one 
growth.  All  these  objects  were  to  be  sent  to  distant  sacred  places,  east  and  west, 
north  and  south  ; and  the  destination  of  the  ark  was  to  Mother  South-Water  (Tate' 
Rapawiye'ma),  which,  as  said  before,  is  a large  lagoon  south  of  the  country  of  the 
Huichols,  and  known  under  the  name  of  Laguna  de  Magdalena.  With  the 
exception  of  Laguna  de  Chapala , which  the  Huichols  probably  never  saw, 
there  is  no  sheet  of  water  so  large  in  that  part  of  Mexico. 

The  specimen  here  figured  is  a small  log  of  wood  from  a fig-tree,  called  in 
Spanish  salale , that  has  been  hollowed  out  with  an  iron  implement.  Its  name  is 
ra'pa,  the  same  as  that  of  the  fig-tree  (compare  with  this  the  name  of  the  Mother 
to  whom  it  is  dedicated,  Rapawiye'ma).  The  bark  has  been  entirely  removed, 
and  the  surface  somewhat  smoothed.  Both  ends  are  closed  by  disk-shaped  covers 
made  from  the  same  kind  of  wood.  They  are  3 cm.  thick,  tapering  towards  their 
inner  edges,  and  made  to  fit  into  the  ends  of  the  hollow  log.  A piece  of  wood 
carved  in  a shape  somewhat  resembling  a pair  of  ox-horns,  and  colored  blue,  is 
glued  into  a transverse  groove  on  the 
top.  It  is  intended  to  represent  ox- 
horns,  but  in  former  days  no  doubt  the 
Huichols  would  have  used  deer-horns. 

Its  purpose  was  to  entangle  the  craft 
in  the  bushes  when  the  water  sub- 
sided, and  thus  stop  it.  The  outside 
of  the  ark  is  colored  blue,  and  deco- 
rated with  various  yellow  figures. 

The  part  which  is  supposed  to  be 
above  water  has  the  following  designs, 
which  are  symbolic  of  water  and  its 
effects  (Fig.  219)  : a , b,  f,  The  sea  ( a 
showing  the  waves,  which  are  consid- 
ered as  small  serpents),  c,  e,  Butter- 
flies. d,  A small  snake  called  Hai'ku. 

The  starlike  designs  scattered  here 
and  there  are  certain  white  flowers 
called  toto'. 

The  cover  nearest  the  ‘horns’  (Fig.  218,  c ) is  decorated  in  the  centre  with 
a yellow  spot,  and  above  it  with  two  Mexican  centavos.  The  latter  are  fastened 
with  beeswax  as  an  offering.  The  other  cover  (b)  is  decorated  with  four  yellow 
lines  intersecting  at  their  centres. 

The  following  objects  were  inside  of  the  ark  : — 

1.  A wooden  image  (Fig.  220)  representing  the  ancestor  of  the  Huichols  who 


^3  d 


f 


Fig.  219.  Development  of  Design  on  Ark. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I 72 


was  saved  from  the  Deluge.  It  is  rudely  carved  and  out  of  proportion,  the  head 
being  about  a third  as  large  as  the  body.  It  is  painted  black,  but  the  face  is 
ornamented  with  some  red  color.  The  ancestor’s  name  is  Wata'kami,  which 
means  ‘ he  who  made  coamil  (wa'tsi,  watsi'a).’  He  is  a principal  or  mayor.  His 
name  was  also  Ulu'  No'no  (‘  the  small  arrow  ’). 

2.  A rudely  carved  wooden  figure  of  the  bitch  (^uk  u'ka),  Fig.  221.  It  is 
painted  black  except  on  the  lower  part  of  the  tail,  which  is  turned  upwards,  and 
the  upper  part  of  the  ears. 


Fig.  220  (sVb)-  Image  of  the  Ancestor  of  the  Huichols.  (Height,  12  cm.) 

Fig.  221  (■£&).  Figure  of  the  Bitch.  (Length,  8 cm.) 

Fig.  222  (b6363).  One  of  the  Five  Squash-Stems.  (Height,  8 cm.) 

Fig.  223  (s635o).  Pouch  containing  Corn  of  Different  Colors.  (9  x 12  cm.)  The  two  upper  designs  represent  the  flower  toto'  ; the 
lower  two,  the  alligator. 

Fig.  224  (333).  Pouch  containing  Beans  of  Different  Colors.  (7  x 10  cm.)  The  starlike  designs  in  the  centre  represent  the  flower  toto'  ; 
the  zigzag  and  dots  on  the  border,  the  squash-vine  and  squashes. 

Fig.  225  (6636t)-  Pouch  containing  Wa've-Seeds.  (8.5  x n cm.)  The  design  shows  the  creeper  ha'pani. 


3.  Five  squash-stems  (wapu'),  with  which  the  ancestor  of  the  tribe  kept  his 
fire  going  (Fig.  222). 

4.  Five  grains  of  each  of  the  seven  colors  of  corn,  and  the  pouch  in  which 
they  were  preserved  (Fig.  223). 

5.  Five  beans  of  each  of  the  five  different  colors,  five  squash-seeds,  and  the 
pouch  in  which  they  were  preserved  (Fig.  224). 

6.  Wa've-seeds  and  the  pouch  in  which  they  were  preserved  ( Fig.  225). 

When,  on  returning  from  the  Huichols,  I passed  the  pueblo  lying  close  to 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


173 


Laguna  de  Magdalena,  and  of  the  same  name,  the  priest  there  showed  me 
some  objects  which  had  been  found  in  the  lagoon,  and  had  puzzled  him  very 
much.  All  were  weather  and  water  worn  ; but  I at  once  recognized  them 
as  ceremonial  arrows  and  the  ark  of  the  Huichols,  the  latter  of  which  they 
had  brought  from  their  far-away  country,  and  deposited  on  the  waters  as  one  of 
the  extreme  means  of  getting  rain.  To  the  Indian  mind  what  has  once  been 
associated  with  an  effect  has  the  power  of  reproducing  that  effect,  and  therefore 
the  ark,  once  connected  with  water,  is  thought  to  have  the  power  of  causing  the 
waters  to  rise  and  descend  again  ; in  other  words,  to  produce  rain. 


IX.— THE  SHAMAN’S  PLUMES,  AND  OBJECTS  CONNECTED 

WITH  FEAST-MAKING. 


Shaman’s  Plumes. — Certain  plumes,  which  I call  the  ‘ shaman’s  plumes,’ 
are  invariably  connected  with  the  ceremonies  performed  by  both  the  singing 
shaman,  and  the  prophesying  and  healing  shaman.  The  former  is  assisted  in 
his  incantations  by  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  and  the  latter  by  Grandfather 
Fire,  the  greatest  of  all  shamans.  The  shaman’s  plume,  which  is  called  by  the 
same  name  (moye'li)  as  the  plumes  attached  to  ceremonial  objects,  consists  of 
two  feathers  and  a small  stick  or  handle,  from  the  end  of  which  the  feathers  are 
hung  by  means  of  colored  crewel,  which  also  covers  the  quills  of  the  feathers. 
Round  the  same  end  of  the  handle  (its  top)  a tuft  of  small  feathers  is  bound  by  a 
bright-colored  crewel,  the  windings  of  which  cover  about  two-thirds  of  the  handle. 
Sometimes,  by  way  of  ornamentation,  cotton  cord  is  wound  over  the  crewel  in 
open  windings.  The  two  hanging  feathers  are  mostly  taken  from  the  tail  or 
wings  of  the  red-tailed  hawk  ; and  the  small  feathers,  from  underneath  the  wings 
or  from  the  breast,  or  (rarely)  from  the  leg,  of  the  eagle  or  hawk.  It  is  curious 
to  note  that  out  of  twenty-one  specimens  of  shaman’s  plumes  secured  in  San 
Andres,  the  hanging  feathers  on  all  but  one  are  from  the  tail,  as  a rule  the 


extreme  outer  feathers.  The  crewel  used  on  the  twenty-one  specimens  men- 
tioned is  red,  except  on  two  handles,  on  one  of  which  blue  is  used,  and  on  the 
other  yellow. 

[174] 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


175 


Fig.  228  (1773).  Shaman’s  Plume  of  the  Sun.  (Length,  36  cm.) 


The  shaman  is  hardly  ever  seen  without  one  or  more  of  these  plumes  in  his 
hand  ; and  when  he  sings  in  the  temple,  several  plumes  lie  in  front  of  him. 
When  he  wishes  to  bring  the  su- 
pernatural forces  of  the  plume 
into  action,  he  holds  the  handle 
in  his  right  hand,  generally  giv- 
ing it  a slight  trembling  motion. 

Sometimes  he  may  hold  two  or 
three  plumes.  The  power  of  the 
hanging  feathers  emanates  from 
their  tips  : therefore  in  curing 
the  sick,  or  in  influencing  some 
object  for  magical  purposes,  he 
touches  with  the  tips  of  the  feath- 
ers only.  When  calling  down 
the  Sun,  he  points  his  plume  to- 
ward him  with  outstretched  arm  ; 
and  when  curing  the  sick,  he 
passes  it  over  the  parts  affected. 

With  the  plumes  and  incanta- 
tions he  calls  forth  rain,  removes 

the  spells  of  sorcerers,  and  performs  all  other  feats  of  magic  of  which  he  is  sup- 
posed to  be  capable.  At  the  religious  dances  and  feasts,  shaman’s  plumes  are 
worn  on  the  heads  of  the  principal  performers,  the  handles  being  placed  in  an 
upright  position  under  the  hair-ribbons. 

Figs.  226-228  show  shaman’s  plumes  dedicated  to  the  Sun  (Tayau'  moye'li). 
The  last  one,  on  which  there  are  three  bands  of  crewel,  — two  red,  and  a cen- 
tral one  dark  blue,  — has  a peculiar  attachment,  a rattlesnake’s  rattle  fastened 
to  the  back  of  one  of  the  feathers  by  a cotton  thread.  This  attachment  adds  to 
the  value  of  the  plume,  because  the  rattlesnake  is  sacred  to  the  Sun,  who  carries 
its  rattles. 

Often  the  handles  are  more  elaborate,  a narrow  matting  of  pieces  of  split 
bamboo  and  white  cotton  cord  and  crewel  being  woven  in  with  them.  The 
original  handle  runs  through  the  middle  of  the  matting,  and  protrudes  beyond  it 
at  both  ends  (see  Figs.  229,  230,  which  present  two  shaman’s  plumes  of  Elder 
Brother,  from  his  god-house  near  Guayavas). 

These  handles  must  be  considered  as  back-shields  : and  in  the  god-houses 
such  a handle  may  even  be  found  deposited  without  any  plumes  attached,  as  a 
prayer  for  luck,  as  in  Figs.  231,  232,  which  are  called  Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke 
na'ma. 

Having  recognized  that  these  plume-handles  are  back-shields,  we  shall 
find  further  light  thrown  on  their  meaning  by  considering  Figs.  233-236,  where 
sections  of  various  arrows,  with  attachments  of  some  peculiar  and  highly 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 7 6 

suggestive  back-shields,  are  shown.  The  illustrations  represent  an  arrow  of 
Mother  West-Water  (Fig.  233)  ; two  of  Elder  Brother  (Figs.  234,  235)  ; and  one 


astod  aQUn 


Wjtjt  aouCE 


Fig.  231  <£&a). 
Plume-Handle  of 
Elder  Brother. 
(Length,  18  cm.) 


Fig.  232  (-fifrc). 
Plume-Handle  of 
Elder  Brother. 
(Length,  18  cm.) 


Fig.  233. 


Fig.  234- 


Fig.  235. 


Fig.  236. 


of  a deer  god  called  Tawiru'li  (Fig. 
236).  To  these  arrows  are  attached 
small  narrow  mats  made  of  pieces  of 
split  bamboo  or  coarse  grass  inter- 
woven with  white  cotton  cord  and 
(with  one  exception)  black  or  dark- 
blue  crewel.  The  largest  of  these 
mats  has  one  design  woven  in  red. 
This  mat  is  14  cm.  long,  while  the  rest 
average  6 cm.  in  length.  Although 
are  called  back-shields  (na'ma),  they  have  another  name,  viz.,  wi'ta 
Wi'ta  means  ‘cotton  thread’;  the  whole  word,  ‘cotton-thread  plume  ; 


Figs.  233  (xil*),  234  (ffiitj,  235  (iloa),  236  (Taft).  Types  of  Plume- 
Handles.  (Length,  6 to  14  cm. 


all  these 
moye'li. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 77 


and  the  name  of  the  god  to  whom  it  is  dedicated  is  added  in  each  case.  They  are 
merely  symbols  of  plumes,  and  even  the  species  of  hawk  which  they  are  supposed 
to  represent  may  be  expressed  in  the  design  of  the  weaving. 

Thus  Fig.  235  shows  a plume  of  the  hawk  Piwa'mi  (see  p.  21),  and 
Fig.  236  one  of  the  red-tailed  hawk.  We  see  accordingly  that 
these  elaborate  handles  on  the  shaman’s  plumes  simply  intensify 
the  character  of  the  implement  as  a plume.  It  is  like  attaching  two 
plumes  to  another  plume.  The  markings  on  the  plumes  may  vary 
considerably.  They  often  represent  ‘ eyes  ’ (Fig.  234),  and  they 
may  even  be  so  conventionalized  as  to  express  a human  figure. 

In  Fig.  237  is  seen  the  handle  of  a shaman’s  plume,  to  one 
of  the  protruding  ends  of  which  four  small  red  parrot-feathers  are 
tied.  It  is  called  Tate'vali  na'ma.  The  color  of  the  diamond- 
shaped figures  is  yellow  with  white  borders  on  a red  background. 

It  was  lying  on  the  ground  inside  of  the  little  temple  of  Grand- 
father Fire  at  Teaka'ta.  It  embodies  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing 
parrots  and  other  birds,  either  in  the  country  of  the  Huichols 
or  on  the  coast. 


Head-Plumes.  — At  ceremonies  and  feasts  another  kind  of 
plume,  called  Ta  wia'kami,  consisting  of  the  tail  of  an  eagle  or  a 

hawk,  is  sometimes  tied  to  the 
heads  of  men  with  a hair-ribbon, 
or  fastened  to  their  hats.  On  Hfndil3ofi!landfathei 

. T r f , Fire.  (Length,  33  cm.) 

one  occasion  I saw  lour  ol  these 
on  a hat,  placed  in  a slanting  position,  the  one  on 
each  side  pointing  forward.  The  one  shown  in 
Fig.  238  is  from  San  Andres.  I did  not  see 
such  plumes  in  Santa  Catarina. 

Another  kind  of  plume,  also  attached  to  the 
head,  is  seen  in  Fig.  239.  It  is  from  Santa  Cata- 
rina, and  is  dedicated  to  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts 
Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  moye'li).  It  consists  of  a 
number  of  the  tail-feathers  of  the  bluejay,  each 
feather  about  45  cm.  long,  which  are  tied  by  the' 
quills  round  a short  stick.  The  bunch  of  feathers 
is  also  called  wa  [bluejay]  moye'li.  Small  green 
parrot-feathers  surround  its  base,  over  the  lower 
ends  of  which  are  wound  white  cotton  cord  and 
red  crewel.  One  or  two  specimens  of  such  plumes 
are  tied  in  an  upright  position  to  the  heads  of  the 
dancers  at  the  feast  of  hi'kuli,  the  stick  of  the  plume  being  placed  under  the 
hair-ribbon.  They  are  used  in  the  same  way  at  the  dance  called  matachines , 


i ;8 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


'A- 


3? 


which  was  introduced  by  the  church.  Sometimes  white  down,  which  is  symbolic 
of  clouds,  is  fastened  to  the  tips  of  the  feathers  with  a kind  of  gum.  In  the  plumes 

dedicated  to  Grandfather  Fire  the  feathers  at  the  base 
are  from  the  little  yellow  bird  hai'no,  that  belongs  to 
him. 

These  plumes  are  much  used  by  the  Cora  Indians, 
who,  as  I have  observed,  stick  them  into  the  ground  at 
their  rain-making  feasts,  together  with  ceremonial  ar- 
rows and  other  objects.  The  Huichols  generally  import 
these  beautiful  blue  plumes  from  the  Coras. 

When  not  in  use,  they  are  kept  in  a kind  of  ‘ case  ’ 
(Fig.  240),  which  consists  of  a piece  of  the  hollow  dried 
stem  of  the  Cereus  Pithaya.  The  ends  are  closed  by  a 
ball  of  leaves  from  the  big-leaved  oak-tree,  or  sometimes 
by  a kind  of  cork  cut  for  the  same  purpose.  Generally 
a handle  of  twine  made  from  bark-fibre  is  attached  to 
the  middle  of  the  ‘ case’  for  convenience  in  carrying. 


j:  Hi 


Sacrificial  Sticks.- — -Whenever  native  beer  or 
native  brandy  is  drunk,  or  when  water  is  used  for  relig- 
ious purposes,  either  externally  or  internally,  a quantity 
of  the  liquor  or  of  the  water  is  first  sacrificed  to  the  six 
regions  of  the  world.  There  is  no  feast  at  which  this 
is  not  done  in  one  form  or  another.  For  the  purpose 
a special  stick  is  used,  called  nawa'  muina'ni.  The  speci- 
men collected  is  cut  from  a bush  called  ra'ta,  and  is 
33  cm.  long  ; but  the  sacrificial  stick  may  vary  in  length 
according  to  the  size  of  the  gourd  in  which  the  liquid  is 
kept.  The  bark  has  been  removed  and  the  surface 
smoothed.  Both  ends  are  cut  off  even,  and  the  stick  has 
the  natural  white  color  of  the  wood.  It  always  accom- 
panies the  gourd,  which,  filled  with  native  beer  or  brandy 
or  water,  is  placed  near  the  altar  or  in  the  temple,  ready 
for  use.  Before  anybody  drinks,  the  shaman  sacrifices 
with  this  stick,  dipping  it  into  the  fluid  each  time. 

When  the  quantity  of  water  is  small  and  contained 
in  a votive  bowl,  the  sacrifice  maybe  made  with  a bunch 
of  flowers  dipped  into  it  instead  of  with  a stick.  The 
hi'kuli-seekers  each  carry  such  a stick  on  the  road,  and 
every  time  they  drink  water  they  first  sacrifice  with  it  to 
the  six  regions  of  the  world.  As  might  be  expected, 
hi'kuli  in  its  liquid  form  is  also  sacrificed  to  the  regions  of  the  world,  but  by  means 
of  a ceremonial  deer-tail.  The  Huichols  always  wind  up  these  ceremonies  by 


1 II 


Fig.  239. 


Figs.  239 


Fig.  240. 

24° 


Head- 


Plume  of  Elder  Brother,  and  Case  in 
which  it  is  kept.  (Length,  64  cm.,  71  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


179 


another  offering  to  the  west  as  a sacrifice  to  the  dead,  who  live  in  this  region> 
which  is  called  Tatu'xapa. 

Tamales.  — - At  all  feasts  of  the  Huichols  a kind  of  corncake  is  used  called 
tamal.  A tamal  is  a small  quantity  of  boiled  ground  corn  enclosed  in  a wrapping 
of  corn-husk  (Fig.  241),  the  contends  being  boiled  in  the  wrapping.  The  package, 
which  is  oblong  in  shape,  and  from  5 cm.  to  8 cm.  long,  is  secured  by  a strip  of 
corn-husk  tied  round  the  middle  or  sometimes  also  round 
both  ends.  This  aboriginal  dish,  which  is  in  common  use 
through  the  whole  of  Mexico,  is  the  food  most  relished 
by  the  Indian  and  the  working-classes.  It  is  never  kept  long, 
hardly  ever  more  than  a day  or  two  ; and  to  the  traveller 
it  is  the  cleanest  food  which  the  Indian  has,  as  the  husks 
protect  it  from  dirty  fingers.  The  Indians  put  no  salt  in  it  ; Le^fMskm."1'  Tamal' 
but  at  his  greatest  feasts  the  Huichol  often  mixes  beans  with 

the  ground  corn,  and  this  he  considers  his  choicest  dish,  though  to  me  it  was 
nauseating.  When  made  wholly  of  green  corn,  the  tamales  are  nice  even  to  the 
palate  of  a civilized  man,  on  account  of  their  sweet,  nutty  flavor. 

At  the  feasts,  after  these  cakes  have  been  duly  offered  to  the  gods,  they  are 
eaten  by  the  people.  Sometimes  specimens  of  a smaller  kind  than  usual  are 
specially  prepared  for  the  gods  for  whom  they  are  intended. 

According  to  tradition,  that  great  artisan  Elder  Brother  originated  the  idea 
of  making  tamales.  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  who  has  no  wife,  was  in  a great 
plight,  having  nobody  to  rub  the  corn  on  the  metate  and  to  make  corncakes 
(Mex.  Sp.  tortilla).  He  therefore  asked  for  food,  and  Elder  Brother  told  some 
women  to  make  him  tamales , but  he  ordered  them  to  make  them  small  and  thin  : 
therefore  it  is  the  custom  to-day  to  make  small  tamales  and  sacrifice  them  to  Grand- 
father Fire  and  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail,  the  ceremony  consisting  in  throwing 
them  into  the  fire. 

Feast  Cakes.  — Cakes  of  another  kind,  and  of  considerable  interest,  are 
made  at  the  rain-making  feasts  as  well  as  at  the  reception  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers 
on  their  return  from  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli.  They  are  all  made  from  the 
same  material  and  in  the  same  way  as  the  corncakes  (Mex.  Sp.  tortilla)  : hence 
their  name,  ‘ small  corncakes  ’ (pa'pa  [‘  corncake  ’]  tuli'l  [‘  small  ’]).  They  are 
toasted  longer,  however,  so  that  they  become  hard.  They  are  tied  to  a twine  of 
bark-fibre,  and  are  called  ko'ka  (‘  bead,’  ‘ necklace’),  being  considered  as  so  many 
beads  of  a necklace.  Such  cake-strings,  therefore,  are  looked  upon  as  the  necklaces 
of  the  gods  to  whom  they  are  dedicated.  In  Santa  Catarina  the  cakes  are  very 
neatly  tied  on  at  regular  intervals,  as  seen  in  Fig.  242.  They  are  then  slung 
round  arrows  of  the  respective  gods  (see  Plate  IV,  Figs.  1-5  ; cf.  also  p.  90). 
The  arrows  thus  decorated  are  placed  in  the  ground  under  the  niche  of  Grand- 
father Fire  at  the  back  of  the  shaman  when  he  is  singing  in  the  temple,  and 


i8o 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


cake-strings  are  also  hung  in  festoons  between  them.  In  San  Andres  less  care  is 
taken  in  the  arrangement  of  the  cakes  (Fig.  243).  The  custom  there  is  to  string 


When  the  feast  is  over,  the  cakes  are  eaten  by  the  officers  of  the  temple,  and,  if 
a great  number  have  been  made,  some  are  also  distributed  to  the  people.  I found 
the  following  forms  of  cakes  (Fig.  244)  : — 


Fig.  244.  Forms  of  Cakes.'1 


(a)  An  imitation,  probably,  of  the  top  of  the  hi'kuli-plant  (cf  Figs.  276  d,  f, 
277  b ).  It  is  called  ma'ka. 

(. b ) The  piece  of  steel  used  in  striking  fire  from  flint  (tau'tsu). 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 8 1 


(c)  A snail-shell  (kulu'pu,  Sp.  caracol). 

(d)  A flower  (okoto'tsi)  that  grows  in  the  Sierra. 

(e)  An  ornamental  design  found  on  girdles,  as  well  as  in  the  facial  paintings 
of  the  hi'kuli-seekers.  This  scroll,  when  joined  to  another,  as  shown  in  Figs. 
2 77  b and  2 78  d,  is  a conventionalized  expression  of  the  linking  of  two  hands, 
seen  in  side  view.  It  is  termed  by  the  Indians  pilia'no  or  freno,  that  is,  ‘ bridle,’ 
because  the  Mexican  bridles  have  such  a figure  on  either  side  of  the  bit. 


(/)  A front-shield  (neali'ka). 

(g)  A serpent. 

(/z)  A serpent  with  indications  of  scales,  a ‘ plumed  serpent.’ 

(z)  An  ‘ eye  ’ (si'kuli). 

GO  A dog. 

(A)  A cock. 

(/)  A hen. 

In  my  collection  are  cake-strings  dedicated 
to  six  gods.  Their  colors  agree  with  those  of  the 
corn  belonging  to  each  god.  From  them  the  fol- 
lowing conclusions  are  drawn  in  regard  to  the 
form  and  color  of  the  cakes  sacrificed  to  each 
(see  Plate  IV,  Figs.  1-5)  : — 

1.  For  Grandfather  Fire,  color  yellow,  forms 
a and  b. 

2.  For  Father  Sun  (Tayau'),  color  red,  forms 
c,  e,  g,  h,  i. 

3.  For  Elder  Brother,  color  blue,  forms  d,  j, 
k,  1. 

4.  For  the  Corn  Mother,  color  white,  forms 

b,  d,  e. 

5.  For  Mother  East-Water,  color  light  red 
(in  San  Andres  white),  forms  b,  e,  g. 

6.  For  Mother  West-Water,  color  white, 
forms  c,  e,  f. 


Drum.  — A necessary  requisite  for  two  of 
the  feasts  of  the  year  is  the  drum  (te'po),  on 
which  the  shaman  beats  with  his  hands  an  accom- 
paniment to  his  song.  These  two  feasts  are  that 
of  squashes  and  green  corn,  and  that  of  tamales 

de  maiz  cmido.  The  myth  says  that  in  early  days  the  drum  used  to  make  a noise 
of  itself  in  the  forest ; that  it  was  a walnut-tree,  and  the  chief  men  of  the  temple 
did  not  know  what  to  make  of  it  till  Grandfather  Fire  taught  them  how  to  use 
it  in  the  temple. 

The  specimen  here  shown  (Fig.  245)  was  obtained  from  the  pueblo  of 


Fig.  245  (1017)* 
■ about  26  cm.) 


Drum.  (Height,  64  cm.;-diam. 


182 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Guadalupe  Ocotan.  It  is  a log  of  the  big-leaved  oak-tree,  which  has  been  hol- 
lowed out  with  an  iron  implement,  one  end  (the  upper)  being  evenly  cut  off.  Over 
this  end  a sheepskin  is  stretched,  although  deerskin  (nawi')  is  generally  used.  The 
hair,  of  course,  is  first  carefully  scraped  off,  and  the  skin  applied  wet.  It  extends 
down  the  sides  about  5 cm.  all  round.  Here  it  is  fastened  by  a row  of  pegs  made 
of  otate  (ha'ku)  inserted  about  2 cm.  below  the  edge,  but  scarcely  visible  above 
the  surface,  as  well  as  by  a narrow  strip  of  sheepskin  (or  generally  of  deerskin) 
wound  twice  around.  The  lower  end  of  the  log  is  cut  into  the  form  of  three 
clumsy  legs  about  13  cm.  in  length.  About  halfway  between  the  bottom  and 
top  of  the  drum  are  two  square  holes  (ma'ra  ra'va)  diametrically  opposite  each 
other.  The  inside  is  charred  and  smoky,  because  during  the  time  the  drum 
is  in  use,  a burning  torch  of  pine  wood  is  repeatedly  held  inside  of  it  to 
stretch  the  skin.  The  smoke  escapes  through  the  holes  above  mentioned. 
The  drum  is  not  so  regularly  shaped  as  might  be  expected,  still  it  stands 
steady  on  its  legs,  and  serves  its  purpose  well. 


Wands. — At  the  feast  of  tamales  de  maiz  crudo  the  shaman,  when  dedicat- 
ing the  heap  of  tamales  to  all  the  gods,  makes  use  of  a wand,  which  he  holds  in 

his  right  hand  while  uttering 
his  incantations.  This  staff, 
which  is  made  from  Brazil- 
wood, is  called  i'tsu.  In  the 
same  hand  with  which  he  car- 
ries it  he  holds  a shaman’s 
plume  alongside  of  it,  in  the 
usual  position.  A similar  wand 
is  placed  with  the  ancient  idols 
of  Grandfather  Fire  in  their 
subterranean  cavities.  It  is 
associated  with  the  god  as  a 
symbol  of  his  dignity. 

The  idea  of  wands  as  in- 
signia of  command  is  no  doubt 
very  widespread  among  the 
Indians  of  the  Southwest,  and 
therefore  when  the  Spaniards 
conquered  the  various  tribes, 
they  had  little  difficulty  in  in- 
troducing their  canes  of  com- 
mand (Sp.  la  vdral),  which  are 
used  to-day  by  the  governors 
and  other  authorities,  and  are 
all  made  from  the  same  material  as  the  ancient  ones,  — the  heavy  red  Brazil-wood. 


Fig.  246. 

Figs.  246  (3666s a),  247  ( 


Fig.  247. 

Sandals  of  Ancient  Pattern.  (Length,  29  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


183 


Sandals.  — On  the  same  occasion  the  shaman  wears  on  his  feet  sandals  of 
the  ancient  pattern,  which  are  worn  only  at  ceremonials,  ox-hide  sandals  having 
\ > entirely  taken  their  place.  At  the  feast  of  hi'kuli,  too,  the  same  cere- 
monial  sandals  are  used  by  the  shamans.  We  give  here  illustrations 
y .vji  of  two  patterns  (Figs.  246,  247)  more  or  less  carefully  executed, 
both  being  for  the  left  foot.  The  specimens  were  taken  from  the 
if/j?  temple  of  Guayavas,  near  the  pueblo  of  San  Andres.  They  are  made 
\ *| mf  from  twine  of  palm-leaves,  plaited  so  as  to  form  a matting  somewhat 

wfis*  resembling  in  shape  the  sole  of  the  foot.  They  are  furnished  with 

I'lfl Wj  lacings  of  the  same  material,  and  both  have  the  single-toe  string. 


Fig.  248  (tVj). 
Sceptre.  (Length,  81 
cm.) 


Sceptres. — -At  the  same  feast  a kind  of  straw  sceptre  (ipii'tsa) 
is  carried  by  the  male  dancers  (Fig.  248).  It  is  made  of  pieces  of 
coarse  grass  45  cm.  to  50  cm.  long,  tied  together  round  a ball  of  oak- 
leaves.  Below  the  ball  of  leaves  they 
are  brought  together  so  as  to  form  a 
handle.  The  flower-spikes  have  been 
left  on  five  of  the  straws,  giving  the 
object  a peculiar  appearance.  The 
straws  are  tied  round  the  ball  with 
twines  of  bark-fibre  in  the  manner 
shown  in  the  illustration.  The  straws 
are  from  a grass  the  seeds  of  which 
are  the  favorite  food  of  the  turkey  ; 
and  the  leaves  composing  the  ball  are 
from  the  big-leaved  oak.  After  the 
feast  the  sceptres  are  burned. 


Za'pa.  — At  this  feast  also,  cer- 
tain sticks  called  za'pa  are  carried  in 
the  hand.  They  consist  of  a single 
piece  of  wrood,  pointed  at  one  end. 
Idle  upper  end  is  cut  off  even,  and 
decorated  with  spirals  or  bands  of 
paint.  According  to  the  Indians, 
they  are  dedicated  to  different  gods. 
These  ceremonial  objects,  which  are 
not  used  on  the  western  side  of  the 
river,  are  very  rarely  seen  in  the  god- 
houses.  In  my  collection  there  are 
three  of  them.  One  (Fig.  249),  proba- 
bly from  the  god-house  of  Elder 
Brother  in  Teaka'ta,  is  decorated  with 


Figs.  249  (xirif),  250  (if 72). 
34.5  cm.,  37  cm.) 


Za'pa.  (Length, 


a spiral  in  blue  and  light 


184 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


brown,  and  is  called  za'pa  yoa'wi  [blue].  A hawk-feather  is  attached  to  its  top. 
Another  one,  which  is  of  similar  appearance  only  slightly  smaller,  is  from  the.  god- 
house  of  the  Corn  Mother  in  Teaka'ta,  and  is  adorned  with  a yellow  spiral. 
It  is  called  za'pa  rule'me  [red].  There  are  indications  that  a feather  was  once 
attached  to  this  in  the  same  way  as  to  the  other  za'pa. 

At  the  feast,  the  young  men  who  serve  the  food  with  much  yelling,  carry 
such  an  object  in  their  hands.  After  the  feast  is  over,  these  za'pa  are  deposited 
in  some  god-house,  together  with  ceremonial  arrows.  As  to  their  meaning,  it 
seems  that  they  are  connected  chiefly  with  rain-making.  The  last-mentioned 
za'pa,  to  speak  like  the  Indians,  “is  of  water,  and  remains  with  water;”  that 
is,  with  the  Corn  Mother.  It  is  certain  that  the  purpose  of  depositing  them  in 
the  god-houses  after  the  feast  is  to  produce  rain. 

In  Fig.  250  is  seen  a za'pa,  found  in  the  god-house  of  Ka'tsi  in  Teaka'ta, 
which  serves  the  additional  purpose  of  a prayer  for  luck  in  handiwork.  A votive 
woollen  scrap,  woven  for  the  purpose,  is  tied  to  the  top,  and  expresses  a prayer 
for  luck  in  making  a blanket.  On  the  wood  are  bands  of  blue  paint  (cf.  Fig.  186). 

Bannerets.  — 
Connected  with  the 
feast  of  tamales  de 
maiz  crudo  is  a cere- 
monial race,  per- 
formed by  young 
men  and  women  in 
separate  groups.  The 
goal  is  a shaman’s 
plume  some  distance 
off  in  a tree  ; and 
every  one  of  the  run- 
ners, on  coming  back, 
pierces  with  a stiff 
piece  of  straw  a cer- 
emonial animal  made 
of  wa've,  and  gives  it 
to  one  of  the  princi- 
pal men  to  eat.  The 
little  animals  are  tur- 
keys, deer,  etc.  The 
race  is  managed  by 
two  men,  — one  in  charge  of  the  men,  and  the  other  in  charge  of  the  women. 
The  former  carries  in  his  hand  a kind  of  banneret  called  matsa'weli  or  matsa'we 
(Fig.  251),  and  the  latter  carries  a similar  one  called  kwis  (Fig.  252).  The 
specimens  figured  were  obtained  at  the  feast  given  in  the  temple  of  San  Jose. 


Fig.  251  (iVb).  Banneret  of  Men.  (23  cm.  X 7.5  cm.) 
Fig.  252  (aVg)*  Banneret  of  Women.  (16.5  cm.  X 5 cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


185 


The  banneret  of  the  men  (Fig.  251)  is  made  of  two  pieces  of  bamboo 
bent  over  at  several  equidistant  places.  Around  the  middle  of  these  jointed 
sections  a strip  of  palm-leaf  is  loosely  wound,  which  keeps  them  together.  A 
simple  matting  is  thus  formed,  which  is  attached  by  the  same  strip  of  palm-leaf 
to  the  top  of  a long  bamboo  stick. 

The  other  banneret  (Fig.  252)  is  made  somewhat  more  carefully.  It  con- 
sists of  five  pieces  of  split  bamboo  placed  together  lengthwise,  and  tied  at  both 
ends  by  thin  strips  of  palm-leaf  so  as  to  form  a kind  of  matting.  Like  the  pre- 
ceding, the  matting  is  tied  to  the  top  of  a long  bamboo  stick  in  the  manner 
shown  in  the  illustration. 

The  men  who  carry  the  banners  keep  waving  them  from  side  to  side,  and 
follow  behind  the  runners  in  order  that  none  may  lag  behind  or  fall,  but  that  all 
may  reach  the  goal.  In  Santa  Catarina  the  women  do  not  take  part  in  the  race. 


Sea-Shells.  — At  the  same  feast,  but  only  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river, 
sea-shells  are  employed  as  a kind  of  musical  instrument.  When  the  heap  of 
tamales  is  dedicated  to  the  gods  by  the  shamans,  some  of  the 
people  are  appointed  to  blow  into  such  shells  five  times  in  the 
daytime  and  five  times  at  night.  This  is  done  as  a signal  to  all 
the  gods.  After  the  feast  the  shells  are  carried  to  Mesa  del  Nayarit, 
where  they  remain  through  the  wet  season,  to  be  afterwards 
brought  back  again  for  the  next  feast  of  the  same  kind.  They 
are  kept  in  Mesa  del  Nayarit  in  a god-house.  According  to  tra- 
dition, the  Chichimecas  brought  them  first  from  that  part  of  the 
coast  where  San  Bias  is  to-day. 

I was  not  able  to  procure  any  shell  that  had  actually  been  used  at  the  feast. 
The  one  reproduced  in  Fig.  253  is,  according  to  my  informants,  smaller  than 
those.  I found  it  in  the  god-house  of  the  Sun  (Tayau')  in  Teaka'ta.  Its  scien- 
tific name  is  Murex  ( Phyllonatus ) radix  Gmelin,  and  it  is  from  the  South 
Pacific  Ocean,  west  coast  of  America.  In  Huichol  it  is  called  ku'ra.  When  I 
wanted  to  buy  it,  my  request  was  at  first  absolutely  refused  by  the  man  who  had 
deposited  it,  who  happened  to  be  one  of  my  party.  Although  left  some  years 
ago,  it  still  remained  to  him  a valuable  prayer  for  life.  Money  and  persuasion  at 
last  tempted  him  to  part  with  it.  Through  the  acquirement  of  this  specimen, 
which  is  the  only  one  I have  seen  in  the  god-houses,  I learned  of  the  interesting 
custom  of  blowing  into  shells  just  related.  The  natural  markings  on  this  shell 
symbolize  to  the  Huichols  grains  of  corn  and  water. 


Clown’s  Paraphernalia.  — Peculiar  to  certain  rain-making  feasts  are  a 
stick  and  a dried  armadillo,  which  form  the  paraphernalia  of  the  clown. 
This  person,  called  in  Huichol  Sikwai'ki,  appears  at  such  feasts  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  country.  However,  he  is  not  met  with  in  Santa  Catarina.  While 
the  clowns  are  very  funny,  they  are  also  great  ‘botherations,’  the  Indians  there 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


1 86 

say.  I am  told  that  in  San  Sebastian  the  appearance  of  the  clown  is  very  gen- 
eral, and  he  also  appears  at  the  Christian  feasts.  Among  the  Coras  the  clown  is 
called  Raya'kate  (Sp.  Viejo  de  rianza). 

The  stick  seen  in  Fig.  254,  which  was  secured  at  the  feast  in  the  temple  of 
Guayavas  near  San  Andres,  has  a kind  of  rattle  tied  to  its  head.  The  rattle  is  a 
piece  of  the  small  intestines  of  an  ox,  about  15  cm.  long,  the  ends  of  which  are 
tied  up  to  form  an  inflated  bag,  in  which  a few  pebbles  are  placed. 

The  dried  armadillo  (ru'ya)  pictured  in  Fig.  255  was 
secured  in  the  temple  of  Ocota.  It  is  a specimen  of  the 
ordinary  kind  ( Tattisia  novemcincta  Linn.),  from  which  the 
bones  and  intestines  have  been  removed  ; the  front  part 
has  been  partially  sewed  up  again.  The  animal  hangs 
down  at  one  side  of  the  clown,  being  suspended  in  a hori- 
zon 

The  loop  is  a strong  twine  made  of  strips  of  palm-leaf. 


Fig.  255  (7 1 5).  Dried  Armadillo.  (Length,  70  cm.) 


The  clown  carries  the  stick  in  his  hand,  grasping  it  about  halfway  down,  and 
he  is  frequently  seen  shaking  it.  At  night  he  prevents  people  from  sleeping  by 
shaking  it  near  their  ears  and  gently  hooking  on  to  their  clothes  with  its  crooked 
end.  The  paraphernalia  of  the  clown  belong  to  the  underworld,  the  stick  being 
that  of  Grandmother  Growth  (see  p.  51),  and  the  underground  animal  being 
her  husband,  Nagru'. 

Girdles.  — As  has  been  alluded  to  before  (p.  156),  at  a feast  of  green 
squashes,  girdles  of  ancient  pattern  are  hung  in  a row  next  to  the  ceremonial 
arrows  and  squashes,  on  the  altar  erected  outside  of  the  temple.  Their  native 
name  is  ravela'ruri,  while  that  of  the  ordinary  girdle  is  xuaya'me.  I secured  six 
of  these  from  the  temple  of  Guayavas,  near  San  Andres.  The  material  is  mainly 


tal  position  by  a loop  which  passes  over  his  shoulder. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


187 


twine  of  a light  brown  ixtle  interwoven  in  longitudinal  stripes  with  yarn,  which 
in  three  of  the  specimens  is  black,  and  in  the  other  three  red,  blue,  yellow,  or 
even  violet  or  green.  They  vary  in  length  from  70  cm.  to  1 m.  or  more,  and  in 
width  from  1.5  cm.  to  3.3  cm.  These  specimens,  which  I found  stored  in  the 
temple,  are  the  only  ones  I have  come  across.  They  are  not  used  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Santa  Catarina.  At  the  temple  of  Pochotita,  for  instance,  a large 
4 eye’  serves  the  same  purpose  ; namely,  to  embody  prayers  for  life  and  rain. 

Flower- Wreaths.  — At  this  and  at  certain  other  feasts  the  women  may  be 
seen  wearing  on  their  heads  wreaths  of  two  different  kinds,  — • one  made  from  red 
flowers,  and  another  from  yellow  flowers. 

I have  specimens  of  both  kinds,  obtained 
in  Pochotita  at  the  reception  of  the 
hi'kuli-seekers  on  their  return  from  the 
hi'kuli  country. 

In  Fig.  256  is  seen  one  composed 
of  red  everlasting  flowers.  They  are 
called  teola'li,  and  were  dedicated  to  the 
Sun  (Tave'rika).  The  yellow  flowers 
are  called  po'ali,  and  are  dedicated  to  the 
Corn  Mother  ; they  may  also  be  seen 
at  certain  adopted  Christian  feasts,  for 
instance  Christmas,  in  which  case  they 
are  tied  to  long  strings,  that  adorn  the 
god-houses  in  festoons. 

Wreaths  of  either  kind  of  flowers 
are  rarely  seen  at  rain -making  feasts. 

After  the  feast  at  which  they  have  been  used,  is  over,  they  are  kept  in  the  private 
god-houses  of  the  family  until  the  next  rainy  season,  when  the  seeds  are  taken 
from  them  and  sown  by  scattering  them  over  the  fields.1 

It  remains  to  discuss  the  objects  connected  with  the  hi'kuli  feast,  with  which 
more  symbolic  objects  are  associated  than  with  any  other  feast. 

H uichol  Calendar.  — Before  the  hi'kuli-seekers  start  on  their  journey  to 
gather  the  plants,  two  strings  of  bark-fibre  are  made, — one  for  the  captain  of  the 
company  to  take  with  him,  and  another  for  the  man  who  remains  in  the  temple. 
Each  string  is  tied  into  the  same  number  of  knots, — as  many  as  there  are  to  be 
days  on  the  journey.  Such  a knotted  string  is  called  tapo'li  | Sp.  nudos,  ‘ knots  ’ ] 
ye'li  [ Sp.  dios,  ‘gocl’].  The  one  figured  (Fig.  257)  is  from  Santa  Catarina. 
By  means  of  these  strings,  which  are  a form  of  primitive  calendar,  the  people  at 

1 Artificial  flowers  have  the  same  name  as  flowers  of  the  field  (rutu'li).  The  Indians,  in  the  season,  constantly 
adorn  their  hats  with  real  flowers,  especially  red  orchids  and  a very  fragrant  white  flower  called  in  Spanish  Corpus. 
They  also  deposit  flowers  in  the  temples,  at  the  sacred  pools,  and  at  other  sacred  localities.  The  flowers  of  the  pochote- 
tree,  for  instance,  are  offered  to  Grandfather  Fire  and  Father  Sun. 


Fig.  256  (pip).  Wreath  of  Red  Everlastings.  (Diam.,  29  cm.) 


1 88 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


home  are  able  to  follow  the  movements  of  the  travellers,  and  by  their  prayers 
aid  them  to  make  a safe  journey.  The  hi'kuli-seekers,  on  their  side,  are,  so  to 
speak,  kept  in  touch  with  the  people  at  home. 


Fig.  257  (gW).  Huichol  Calendar.  (Length  of  string, 
about  2 m.) 


Fig.  258  (7452).  Stuffed  Gray  Squirrel.  (Height,  34  cm.) 


Stuffed  Animals. — On  their  journey  to  and  from  the  country  where  the 
plant  grows,  the  hi'kuli-seekers  are  supposed  to  be  accompanied  and  guided  by 
the  gray  squirrel  ( Sciurus  nayaritensis  Allen),  which  is  called  teaku'.  This  animal 
is  one  of  the  hero-gods  of  their  mythology,  who  defended  the  Sun  against  the 
many  animal  gods  who  were  inimical  to  him  on  the  day  of  his  birth.  Together 
with  the  gigantic  woodpecker,  it  helped  the  Sun  to  set  on  that  day.  In  accord- 
ance with  its  diurnal  habits,  it  is  believed  to  be  the  Sun’s  companion,  and  is 
supposed  to  know  more  than  other  animals,  hiding  nuts  and  finding  them  again. 
It  is  considered  as  the  ‘cotton’  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Tate'vali  Kupuriei'ya). 
Stuffed  specimens  of  this  animal  may  be  met  with  in  the  god-houses  and  in  the 
temple,  as  well  as  at  the  hi'kuli  feasts. 

The  specimen  shown  in  Fig.  258  was  kept  in  the  temple  of  Ratontita  at 
the  feast  of  hi'kuli,  where  it  was  being  used.  It  has  been  so  prepared  that  it  sits 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


189 


in  an  upright  position,  the  hind-feet  being  turned  in,  suggesting  the  posture  of  a 
squatting  Indian  with  legs  crossed.  The  fore-paws  are  held  kangaroo-fashion. 
It  was  skinned  by  being  opened  only  from  the  mouth  down  to  the  breast,  and  all 
the  bones  were  taken  out  except  those  of  the  paws.  It  is  fairly  well  stuffed  with 
straw,  and  the  incision  has  been  well  sewed  up  again.  A piece  of  red  textile  has 
been  put  into  the  month  as  well  as  in  the  eyes.  The  body  is  partly  enveloped  in 
a piece  of  yellow  newspaper,  which  is  bound  round  with  crewel,  as  well  as  with  a 
bark-fibre  that  runs  round  the  middle  of  the  body  and  at  the  same  time  keeps  the 
tail  in  an  upright  position  along  the  back.  Three  feathers  are  bound  by  the 
same  fibre  to  the  left  side  of  the  body.  One  is  from  a macaw,  and  the  other  two 
are  from  a certain  crane  that  lives  on  the  west  coast  of  Mexico.  Round  its  neck, 
two  wing-covers  of  a large  green  shining  beetle  are  tied  by  means  of  a twine  of 
ixtle.  Two  small  reddish-colored  clay  birds  are  also  attached  to  it, — one  round 
the  neck,  and  one  over  the  stomach  ; these  were  bought  from  Mexican  stores,  and 
are  the  usual  toys  of  children.  A large  metal  crucifix,  which  the  owner  retained, 
hung  over  the  belly  of  the  animal,  and  formed  one  of  its  conspicuous  ornaments. 

Another  specimen  which  I found  stuffed  in  a crouching  position  was  sitting 
on  a drum  in  the  god-house  of  the  temple  of  Ocota.  Between  its  fore-paws  had 
been  tied  a paper  match-box  of  the  ordinary  kind  sold  in  Mexico.  It  was  spread 
open,  and  was  supposed  to  be  the  squirrel’s  book,  which  had  been  presented  to  it 
by  the  Sun. 

Another  hero-god  that  is  also  found  stuffed  at  the  feast  of  hi'kuli  is  the 
small  striped  skunk  Spilogale , the  species  being  unknown.  The  animal  is  called 
in  Huichol  upi'ts.  It  lives  under  ground,  is  of  nocturnal  habits,  and  difficult  to 
procure.  On  the  one  specimen  which  I secured  in  Ratontita,  and  which  is  the 
only  one  I have  seen  in  use,  a paper  flower  is  attached  to  the  mouth,  another  one 
to  the  left  fore-paw  by  a thin  copper  wire,  and  a third  one  covers  the  anus.  At 
the  hi'kuli  feast  at  Ratontita,  which  I attended,  a specimen  of  this  animal  and 
one  of  a gray  squirrel  were  placed  in  a corner  of  the  dancing-place,  both  being 
tied  to  sticks  planted  in  the  ground,  to  keep  them  in  an  upright  position.  A fire 
was  made  in  front  of  them,  and  kept  burning  during  the  feast.  Two  jars  were 
standing  near  by, — one  containing  native  beer;  the  other,  water  brought  from 
the  hi'kuli  country,  with  which  the  people  had  first  been  blessed,  and  in  which 
the  shaman’s  sacrificial  stick  remained  throughout  the  feast. 

I have  found  stuffed  animals  used  only  in  the  southeastern  part  of  the 
country,  where  I also  saw  a kind  of  rat  stuffed  for  ceremonial  purposes.  On  the 
western  side  of  the  river,  as  well  as  in  Guadalupe  Ocotan,  they  are  not  used. 

Cocoon  Necklace. — With  the  gray  squirrel  is  connected  a string  of  cocoons 
of  the  moth  Attacus  orizaba  Westwood  (found  from  Mexico  to  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama).  The  specimen  shown  in  Fig,  259  contains  seven  cocoons,  silver  gray 
in  color,  and  from  5 cm.  to  9 cm.  long.  They  were  brought  by  the  Huichols 
from  the  hi'kuli  country,  and  are  tied  by  their  upper  ends  to  a string  of  ixtle. 


190 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


The  string  with  its  cocoons  is  called  ku'tsi,  and  is  put  round  the  neck  of  a stuffed 
gray  squirrel.  These  cocoons,  which  are  those  of  a night  animal, — their  beds,  in 

which  they  sleep  before  coming  to  life  again, 
— are  supposed  to  be  the  dreams  of  the  gray 
squirrel,  by  which  he  is  guided. 

Tobacco-Gourds.  — The  tobacco-gourd 
(ya'kwai)  is  a most  necessary  part  of  the  hi'- 
kuli-seeker’s  outfit.  He  is  seen  carrying  a 
dozen  or  more  of  them.  The  specimens  pic- 
tured (Figs.  260-263)  were  obtained  in  San 
Andres  and  Santa  Catarina.  They  are  made 
from  gourds  raised  for  the  purpose,  and  those 
with  many  excrescences  (Fig.  263)  are  consid- 
ered the  most  valuable  ones.  A round  open- 
ing is  made  in  the  top  of  the  gourd,  and  it 
is  furnished  with  a stopper  cut  from  another 
gourd  or  from  wood,  or  sometimes  a corn-cob 
is  substituted  for  it.  The  stopper  is  attached 
by  a twine  of  ixtle  to  the  twine  by  which  the 
gourd  is  carried  about.  This  latter  twine  is  strung  through  two  holes  on  oppo- 
site sides  of  the  gourd,  knots  on  the  ends  preventing  it  from  slipping  through. 

Tobacco,  also  called  ya'kwai,  is  carried  in  one  or  more  of  the  numerous 
tobacco-gourds  which  a hi'kuli-seeker  always  wears.  The  shaman  is  never  seen 
without  carrying  one  or  two,  even  if  empty.  During  the  long  time  of  prepara- 
tion for  the  hi'kuli  feast,  as  well  as  at  the  feast,  the  hi'kuli-seekers  adorn  them 
with  designs  in  yellow  coloring-matter,  which  was  brought  from  the  country  of  the 
plant.  All  tobacco-gourds  are  dedicated  to  Grandfather  Fire,  and  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  designs  should  be  considered  in  that  light. 

In  the  Huichol  conception,  tobacco-gourds,  as  well  as  all  ceremonial  orna- 
ments, were  alive  in  ancient  times  ; and,  to  use  the  expression  of  my  informant, 
they  are  alive  yet,  although  they  are  only  semblances  of  the  originals.  Tobacco- 
gourds  were  and  are  serpents,  and  the  sacred  package  (Fig.  266)  inside  the 
gourd  is  the  heart  of  the  serpent.  The  serpent  was  the  messenger  of  the  fire  ; 
but  after  the  world  was  put  into  shape,  it  remained  as  a tobacco-gourd,  and 
every  time  the  stopper  is  removed,  the  Indian  hears  in  the  squeaking  noise  the 
hissing  of  the  reptile. 

In  Fig.  260  are  seen  figures  of  two  deer  and  one  dog.  The  dots  repre- 
sent, as  usual,  corn. 

big.  261  shows  two  starlike  flowers  called  toto'.  The  irregular  zigzags 
probably  denote  clouds,  and  the  spots  corn. 

In  Fig.  262  is  seen  a ‘bed’  of  the  god  of  fire  (Tate'vali  italiai'ya),  with 
four  plumes  of  his  eagle  attached  to  it.  The  dots  signify  corn. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I9I 

In  Fig.  264  is  seen  a tobacco-gourd  enclosed  entirely  in  a scrotum  of  a deer. 
The  stopper  to  this  is  a corn-cob. 


In  this  connection  we  shall  consider  a tobacco-gourd  used  entirely  for 
ceremonial  purposes  (Fig.  265).  This  beautiful  little  gourd,  which  is  furnished 


192 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


with  a short  string,  is  from  Santa  Catarina.  It  is  ornamented  at  four  diametrically 
opposite  points  with  coils  made  of  strings  of  green,  yellow,  and  white  beads,  each 
coil  representing  a ‘ face’  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like 
Tamoye'ke  neali'ka).  It  was  placed  on  the  altar  of  the  god- 
house  of  the  hunter,  together  with  ceremonial  arrows  and 
votive  bowls,  and  expresses  a prayer  for  the  death  of  the 
deer. 

Sacred  Tobacco.  — The  hi'kuli-seeker  carries  inside  of 
one  of  his  tobacco-gourds  filled  with  tobacco  a diminutive 
package  of  sacred  tobacco  (Fig.  266). 

This  small  quantity  of  tobacco,  which  is 
given  by  the  captain  to  every  one  while 
on  the  road,  is  enclosed  in  a wrapping  of 
corn-husk,  and  looks  like  a small  tamal. 

Like  tobacco  and  the  tobacco-gourd,  it  is  called  ya'kwai. 
Any  one  who  carries  this  sacred  package  is  under  strict  cere- 
monial regulations.  The  hi'kuli-seekers  walk  in  a certain 
order,  which  must  never  be  broken,  nor  must  any  private 
person  pass  in  front  of  one  who  carries  ya'kwai.  These  and 
further  restrictions,  which  include  the  separation  of  husband 
and  wife,  and  forbid  bathing  and  the  eating  of  salt,  all  come 
to  an  end  when  the  ya'kwai  is  burned  at  the  feast  of 
hi'kuli. 


Fig.  266  (/ga  **)• 
of  Sacred  Tobacco. 


Package 


Fig.  265  (iff?).  Ceremonial 
Tobacco-Gourd.  (Height,  4.5  cm.) 


Hats.  - — - The  hi'kuli-seekers  are  always  seen  with  plumes  stuck  on  their  home- 
made straw  hats,  often  in  great  profusion.  In  the  collection  is  one  hat  the  brim 
of  which  is  entirely  covered  with  tail-feathers  of  the  turkey,  the  quills  having 


Fig.  267  (BeBV).  Hi'kuli-Seeker’s  Hat.  (Diam.,  frorrr  brim  to  brim,  45.5  cm.) 


been  attached  to  a string  tied  round  the  crown.  In  Fig.  267  is  seen  one  adorned 
with  tails  of  the  gray  squirrel.  Round  the  crown  are  tied  a hair-ribbon  and  an 
anklet  of  beads. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


193 


The  symbolic  designs  of  the  cross,  each  consisting  of  two  pieces  of  red  flannel 
sewed  to  the  hat,  are  decorations  common  to  all  hats. 


Fig.  268  (t&5*  «-/)• 
Feather  Ornaments. 
(Length  of  feather,  11 
cm.) 


Feather  Ornament. — At  the  feast  of  hi'kuli  a feather  ornament  called 
irau'li  is  largely  used  (Fig.  268).  It  consists  of  a small  wing-feather  of  a parrot, 
attached  to  a cord  of  ixtle  tied  round  its  quill.  The  ixtle  is  sufficiently  stiff 
to  make  a kind  of  prolongation  of  the  quill.  Such  feathers  are  tied  to  a hat 
generally  in  great  profu- 
sion, together  with  the  usual 
feathers  of  the  hawk,  eagle, 
etc.  Sometimes,  as  we  have 
seen,  they  are  tied  to  cere- 
monial arrows  and  to  chairs, 
and  they  express  prayers  for 
life.  They  may  also  be  seen 
tied  to  the  hat  at  other 
feasts,  for  instance  those  for 
making  rain,  and  used  in 
much  the  same  way  as  flow- 
ers. 


Serpent  Sticks.  — On 
the  occasion  of  the  feast,  the 
dancers,  both  men  and  wo- 
men, carry  certain  decorated 
bamboo  sticks  called  iwa- 
i'tsa  (in  San  Andres,  i'tsu).  The  sticks 
are  held  in  an  upright  position,  resting 
against  the  shoulder.  In  Figs.  269-272 
are  seen  four  of  these  sticks,  selected  as^fit 
representatives  from  a collection  of  thir- 
teen which  were  found  in  the  god-house 
close  to  the  temple  of  Guayavas,  as  well 
as  in  the  temple  of  Ocota.  The  decora-  Fig.  269. 


Fig.  270. 


tions  consist  of  shallow  carvings  made  with 


Figs.  269,  270,  271,  272  (331) 
length,  t.i  m.  ; thickness,  1.5-2. 5 cm.) 


Fig.  271. 
Serpent  Sticks. 


Fig.  272. 
(Average  total 


a knife,  and  smeared  with  burnt  grass  of  a 

certain  kind  mentioned  on  p.  35.  In  two  specimens  from  Ocota  they  are  painted 
with  indigo. 

These  sticks  all  represent  the  serpent  Ha'tsi,  which  is  supposed  to  have  once 
been  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  (p.  35).  Although  the  markings,  which  repre- 
sent those  of  the  serpent,  vary  considerably,  they  may,  on  close  examination,  well 
be  reduced  to  one  common  form,  the  clearest  representation  of  which  is  seen 
in  Fig.  271.  Each  of  these  markings,  on  the  live  snake  as  well  as  on  its  symbol, 


i94 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


represents  a butterfly  (kupi'ts),  the  symbol  of  summer  and  rain.  The  zigzag  lines 
represent  the  tail  of  the  serpent.  To  judge  from  these  zigzag  lines,  which 
universally  indicate  the  rattle  of  the  rattlesnake  (see,  for  instance,  similar  carvings 
on  tobacco-gourds  and  flutes),  the  serpent  must  be  a kind  of  rattlesnake.  In  a 

conventional  way  the  zigzags  have  often  been  put  at  both  ends,  and  in  one 
instance  in  the  middle,  of  the  sticks. 

Thus  in  the  dance  of  hi'kuli  we  have  a veritable  representation  of  a ‘ serpent 
dance,’  the  performers  carrying  in  their  hands  conventionalized  representations 
of  rattlesnakes. 


Deer-Tails.  — The  male  dancers  at  the  hi'kuli  dance  carry  in  one  hand 
a deer-tail  (ma'ra  kwa'ri).  The  bones  of  the  tail  have  been  removed  by  pulling 
the  skin  off  without  cutting  it,  and  a stick  has  been  inserted  instead,  to  keep  the 
tail  stiff,  and  at  the  same  time 
serve  as  a handle.  While  dan- 
cing, the  men  thrust  the  deer-tails 
out  in  different  directions,  sug- 
gesting the  presence  of  the  deer 
themselves.  They  are  frequently 
found  in  the  god-houses  and  sa- 
cred  caves.  The  specimen  here 
pictured  (Fig.  273)  is  from  the 
god-house  of  Elder  Brother,  near 
the  temple  of  Guayavas. 


Fig.  273  UVs).  Deer- 
Tail  of  Elder  Brother. 
(Length,  35  cm.) 


Combs. — The  dancers  carry 
attached  to  their  girdles  combs, 
called  matsi'kyu,  or,  more  com- 
pletely, Tato'tsi  Ma'ra  Kwa'ri 
matsikyu'ya,  because  they  are 
dedicated  to  Great-grandfather 
Deer-Tail.  The  specimen  seen 
in  Fig.  274  was  procured  at  the 


Fig.  275. 


Figs.  274  275  (x-^ls). 

it  cm.) 


Combs.  (Length,  25  and 


feast  of  hi'kuli  at  Ratontita.  The 
material  from  which  these  combs  are  made  is 
the  fibre  of  a small  species  of  century-plant,  called 
in  Spanish  lechuguilla.  I have  no  doubt  that  it 
also  grows  in  the  Huichol  country,  as  it  is  a 
plant  commonly  seen  through  the  moderately  warm  countries  of  Mexico.  The 
mode  of  manufacture  of  this  object,  which  looks  much  like  a small  whisk  broom, 
is  evident  from  the  illustration.  The  handle  is  made  by  tying  the  ‘whisks’ 
around  with  a twine  of  ixtle.  In  its  windings  the  twine  is  made  to  pass  under 
small  bunches  of  the  fibres  in  such  a way  as  to  form  designs  of  the  butterfly,  the 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


x95 


same  as  seen  on  the  serpent  sticks  (Fig.  271).  An  end  of  the  twine  is  left  free 
for  attachment.  The  twine,  and  the  tips  of  the  comb,  are  colored  with  Brazil- 
wood dye.  The  combs  vary  in  length  from  1 1 cm.  to  25  cm. 

Fig.  275  shows  another  comb,  in  which  the  ornamentation  produced  by  the 
windings  represents  the  same  design,  butterflies. 

After  the  feast  is  over,  the  people  — no  doubt  to  their  mind  ‘ new  people’ — 
comb  their  hair  with  these  combs,  which  are  used  for  one  year,  that  is  to  say,  until 
the  next  hi'kuli  feast. 


X.  — FACIAL  PAINTINGS. 


The  hi'kuli-seekers,  during  the  months  of  preparation  for  the  feast,  as  well  as 
at  the  feast,  paint  their  faces  with  various  designs  in  yellow.  Both  the  root  from 
which  the  coloring-matter  is  obtained  (p.  25)  and  the  piece  of  stone  on  which  it 
is  rubbed  are  brought  from  the  country  of  the  hi'kuli.  The  paint  is  applied 
with  a straw  ; and  each  man  adorns  himself  by  the  aid  of  a mirror,  or  two  may 
help  each  other  in  turns,  both  squatting  during  the  operation.  I have  seen  faces 
being  painted  both  at  the  feast  given  on  the  return  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers  to  their 
country  and  at  the  great  feast  itself.  On  the  former  occasion  the  painting  was 
done  at  sunset,  and  on  the  latter  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  when  the  dance, 
which  had  begun  a little  before  midnight,  was  about  half  finished.  When 
arriving  at  the  temple  on  their  return,  not  only  do  all  members  of  the  party  have 
their  faces  painted,  but  the  legs  of  the  mules  that  carry  the  loads  of  hi'kuli  are 
ornamented  with  similar  designs.  Also  tobacco-gourds,  a necessary  part  of  their 
outfit,  are,  as  we  have  seen,  constantly  kept  adorned  with  designs  of  the  same 
character.  During  the  time  of  preparation  for  the  feast  the  painting  is  done  in 
accordance  with  the  inclination  of  the  individual  or  the  dictates  of  the  leading 
man,  but  without  any  regularity.  Sometimes  fresh  designs  are  put  on  every  day, 
and  again  they  may  be  omitted  for  a week  or  more.  The  hi'kuli-seekers’  wives 
also  have  their  faces  painted,  the  women  being  as  expert  in  the  art  as  the  men. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  hi'kuli  cult  is  intimately  connected  with  the  worship  of 
the  god  of  fire,  who,  on  account  of  the  imposed  taboos  (p.  18)  keeps  the  seekers 
as  ‘ prisoners  ’ until  the  feast  has  been  observed.  Although  the  paintings  are  all 
made  in  yellow,  the  color  of  fire,  they  represent  the  faces  of  several  gods,  or 
more  probably  of  all  the  gods. 

Facial  paintings  are  called  u'ra  (‘  spark  ’).  A more  complete  name  is  u'ram 
[spark]  ta'rai  [yellow  root,  namely,  that  of  the  hi'kuli  country].  The  same  names 
are  applied  to  the  decorations  on  the  tobacco-gourds  and  to  those  on  the  mules. 

During  my  last  stay  among  the  Huichols,  in  order  to  discover  if  possible  the 
meaning  of  these  designs,  I had  two  different  shamans  make  some  for  me.  I 
drew  faces  of  natural  size  on  a paper,  and  gave  a number  of  them  to  each  of 
my  friends  to  adorn  in  their  own  way,  — as  many  as  they  could  be  induced  to 
make.  The  result  is  given  in  Figs.  276-278.  As  will  be  seen,  there  is  a differ- 
ence in  the  technique  of  the  two  series,  the  best  executed  designs  (Figs.  276,  a, 
c-f ; 277,  b-e ; 278,  a,  c,  f ) having  been  made  by  the  younger  shaman  assisted 
by  his  wife  ; but  the  others  are  equally  interesting. 

It  is  seldom  that  facial  paintings  are  as  elaborate  as  most  of  those  presented, 
much  depending  on  the  artistic  ability  of  the  man.  Even  a few  scattered  daubs 
on  the  face  may  sometimes  serve  the  purpose  ; but  on  festive  occasions  every- 
body does  his  best  to  turn  out  a fine  painting.  The  most  common  patterns  used 
are  those  representing  hi'kuli,  flowers,  clouds,  and  corn.  These  will  easily  be 

[196] 


Fig.  276.  Facial  Paintings 

a b , Of  Grandfather  Fire;  c , Of  Great-grandfather  Deer^Tail ; ff,  Of  Father  Sun;  Of  the  Setting  Sun;  fy  Of  Elder  Brother. 

[197] 


198 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


recognized  in  the  illustrations,  which,  in  their  general  characteristics,  give  a good 
idea  of  the  actual  paintings. 

1.  Face-Painting  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Tate'vali  Nealikai'ya  Urai'ya), 
Fig.  276,  a. — The  three  circular  figures  on  the  forehead  are  pictures  of  hi'kuli, 
which  plant,  growing  on  a level  with  the  ground,  presents  a somewhat  similar 
appearance  when  viewed  from  above  (cf.  Fig.  2).  As  we  have  seen,  hi'kuli 
may  be  considered  as  the  votive  bowl  of  different  gods  : therefore  such  a design 
as  this  also  represents  a votive  bowl,  and  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  such  repre- 
sentations of  hi'kuli  bear  an  unmistakable  resemblance  to  the  netted  shield 
(see  Figs.  276,  d,  f ; 277,  a).  The  descending  parallel  lines  on  the  cheeks  are 
tail-feathers  of  the  royal  eagle  (Ve'lika  kwa'ri),  and  those  below  are  raindrops 
(wita'li).  The  serpentine  lines  on  the  nose  and  chin  are  representations  of  the 
fire-serpent  Slpuli  ki'a.  The  small  crosses  are  sparks.  The  two  men  are  repre- 
sentations of  the  god  of  fire  himself,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  paintings  are  phases 
of  the  fire. 

2.  Face-Painting  of  Grandfather  Fire  (Fig.  276,  5).  — On  each  cheek  is 
a back-shield  or  ‘bed  ’ (Tate'vali  na'ma  italie'ya).  The  one  on  the  right  cheek 
has  the  following  meaning  : The  curved  lines  are  eagle-plumes  of  the  god  of  fire 
(Tate'vali  Ve'lika  moye'li)  ; the  longitudinal  parallel  lines  are  the  ‘ bed  ’ of 
Grandfather  Fire  (Tate'vali  italie'ya)  ; and  the  short  horizontal  lines  emanating 
from  the  innermost  longitudinal  line  are  ears  of  corn.  The  back-shield  on  the 
left  cheek  is  more  complete,  being  carried  out  in  greater  detail,  so  as  to  resemble 
the  real  back-shield,  and  it  has  the  same  meaning.  Above  the  forehead,  as  well 
as  on  each  side  of  the  face,  are  five  representations  of  a serpent  called  Kowivyo'. 
It  is  blue  and  yellow,  and  in  the  Indian  conception  is  seen  above  the  rainstorms 
when  the  latter  are  approaching.  The  two  crosses  are  sparks,  and  the  dots  corn. 

3.  Face-Painting  of  Great-grandfather  Deer-Tail  (Tato'tsi  Ma'ra 
Kwa'ri  Nealikai'ya  Urai'ya),  Fig.  276,  c.  — The  barbed  lines1  on  top,  sides,  and 
chin  are  clouds  (hai).  On  the  cheeks  and  nose  is  a picture  of  corn-fields,  the 
barbed  longitudinal  lines  on  the  sides  showing  the  boundaries  of  the  fields. 
Between  the  boundaries  are  ears  of  corn,  indicated  by  spots. 

4.  Face-Painting  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau'  Nealikai'ya  Urai'ya),  Fig.  276, 
d.  — Over  the  forehead  are  two  red-tailed  hawks,  a female  on  the  right  side 
of  the  face,  a male  on  the  left  side.  Next  to  each  is  a serpent,  and  between 
the  serpents  a row  of  clouds.  On  each  side  of  the  face  are  three  figures  repre- 
senting hi'kuli,  underneath  which  are  raindrops  (wita'li).  On  each  cheek  is  a 
front-shield  or  face,  representing  the  Sun  himself  (Tayau'  neali'ka).  On  the  chin 
is  a row  of  burning  candles  (kati'la,  Sp.  vela),  above  which  on  either  side  are 
clouds.  The  custom  of  burning  candles  has  of  course  been  introduced  through 
the  influence  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

5.  Face-Painting  of  the  Setting  Sun  (Sakaimo'ka  Nealikai'ya  Urai'ya), 
Fig.  276,  e. — The  square  on  the  nose  is  the  earth  (kwi'atsa).  From  it  springs 


By  a ‘ barbed  line’  I mean  a line  set  with  square  teeth  either  on  one  side  or  on  both  sides. 


Fig.  277.  Facial  Paintings 

a,  Of  Elder  Brother  Wa'kuli ; 3,  c,  Of  the  Corn  Mother;  d , Of  Mother  East-Water;  e,  Of  Mother  West-Water;  Of  Mother  Ha  Uli'ma. 


[ 1 99I 


200 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


forth  over  the  forehead  the  squash-vine  with  its  squashes  (the  dots)  and  flowers 
(the  barbed  edge).  On  each  cheek  is  a heap  of  ears  of  corn  in  the  harvest  time. 
On  the  chin  are  barbed  lines  representing  clouds  (hai). 

6.  Face-Painting  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts  Pa'like  Tamoye'ke  Nea- 
likai'ya Urai'ya),  Fig.  276,  f. — On  each  cheek  is  a hi'kuli.  On  the  chin  is  a row 
of  burning  candies  such  as  are  placed  when  the  Indians  go  out  hunting  deer.  The 
three  remaining  figures  on  the  face  are  arrows.  On  the  forehead  is  a male  deer  in  a 
snare  which  has  been  tied  to  a tree.  Down  on  the  right  are  two  dogs  in  pursuit 
of  it.  In  front  of  the  captured  deer  is  an  open  snare  placed  between  two  sticks  and 
tied  to  a tree,  ready  for  use.  A roe  chased  by  a dog  is  running  into  it.  The 
vertical  lines  on  the  right  represent  rain  (wita'li). 

7.  Face-Painting  of  Elder  Brother  Wa'kuli  (Tama'ts  Wa'kuli  Nea- 
likai'ya  Urai'ya),  Fig.  277,  a. — This  god  is  probably  an  impersonation  of  Elder 
Brother.  On  the  cheeks  are  pictures  of  hi'kuli.  Below  the  mouth,  and  extend- 
ing up  on  both  sides  of  it,  is  a design  representing  the  vine  ha'pani.  The  dots 
signify  corn.  The  designs  all  round  the  edge  of  the  face  and  over  the  forehead, 
as  well  as  over  the  nose,  are  ornamental,  and  called  sika'li. 

8.  Face-Painting  of  ti-ie  Corn  Mother  (Tate'  Otegana'ka  Nealikai'ya 
Urai'ya),  Fig.  277,  b. — Down  along  the  cheeks  and  over  the  mouth,  as  well  as  on 
the  nose  and  chin  and  round  the  edge  of  the  face,  are  barbed  lines  which  repre- 
sent clouds  (hai).  On  the  cheeks  are  representations  of  hi'kuli  or  votive  bowls. 
On  the  nose  is  a scroll  design  which  I have  termed  ‘freno’  (cf  Fig.  244,  e).  It 
is  one  of  the  most  important  ornamental  designs,  and  frequently  used.  It  is 
derived  from  the  clasping  of  hands,  and  here  is  a very  interesting  case  where 
the  original  meaning  of  the  design  is  evident.  The  votive  bowls  on  the  cheeks 
belong  to  different  goddesses,  the  one  on  the  right  cheek  being  that  of  Ka'riwali 
(Ka'riwali  urai'ya  nealikai'ya),  and  the  one  on  the  left  that  of  the  Corn  Mother 
(Tate'  Otegana'ka  urai'ya  nealikai'ya).  The  two  goddesses  are  sisters,  or 
perhaps  impersonations  of  the  same  goddess,  and  their  identity  is  symbolized 
by  the  ‘ freno  ’ design  over  the  nose.  The  three  S-shaped,  barbed  figures  on 
the  chin  are  certain  small  animals  said  to  be  caterpillars  (called  in  Spanish  gusano 
and  in  Huichol  kwi'ster),  which  live  on  the  trees  in  the  wet  season,  boring  under 
the  bark.  The  descending  lines  on  either  side  of  the  chin  are  raindrops. 

9.  Face-Painting  of  the  Corn  Mother  (Fig.  277,  c).- — On  each  cheek, 
next  to  the  nose,  is  the  hi'kuli  of  fire,  while  farther  back  on  either  cheek  is  the 
hi'kuli  of  corn.  The  former  are  votive  bowls  of  Grandfather  Fire,  and  the  latter 
those  of  the  Corn  Mother.  On  the  nose  are  clouds  (hai).  On  the  chin  is  a 
squash-vine  with  three  squashes.  Across  the  forehead  are  three  rows  of  clouds 
(hai),  and  on  the  middle  of  it  two  coiled  serpents  (Hai'ku)  with  heads  facing  each 
other.  The  result  of  the  clouds  is  seen  in  the  descending  rain,  and  the  grains  of 
corn  below  it. 

10.  Face-Painting  of  Mother  East-Water  (Tate'  Naaliwa'mi  Nealikai'ya 
Urai'ya),  Fig  277,  d.  — The  face  is  covered  with  serpents,  or,  which  is  the  same 


Fig.  278.  Facial  Paintings 

a i Of  Young  Mother  Eagle  c,  Of  Rutu'li  Iwia'kami ; d,  Of  Young  Mother  Wa'ra;  <?,  Of  Mother  North-Water;  /,  Of  the  Singing  Shaman 


201 


202 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


thing,  the  picture  of  a rainstorm  (nonalite'r).  A few  grains  of  corn  are  scattered 
among  the  serpents.  The  barbed  lines  are  clouds  (hai).  However,  the  inner 
row  of  barbs  depending  from  the  outer  barbed  line  represents  rain  (wita'li). 

11.  Face-Painting  of  Mother  West-Water  (Tate'  Kyewimo'ka  Neali- 
kai'ya  Urai'ya),  Fig.  277,  e.  — The  partly  barbed  curved  lines  on  the  cheek  are 
tail-feathers  of  the  hawk  Piwa'mi  attached  to  the  ‘ bed  ’ of  the  Mother,  indicated 
as  usual  by  the  longitudinal  parallel  lines.  On  the  nose  is  a serpent  (Hai'ku) 
with  three  grains  of  corn  near  it,  and  surrounded  above  and  below  by  clouds  (hai). 
On  the  chin  is  a similar  serpent.  All  the  barbed  lines  are  clouds,  and  the  dots 
corn.  The  serpentine  line  and  the  straight  line  in  the  outline  of  the  face  are 
indicative  of  trees  sprouting. 

12.  Face-Painting  of  Mother  Ha  UlTma  (Tate'  Ha  Uli'ma  Nealikai'ya 
Urai'ya),  Fig.  2 77,/".  — ‘ Ha’  means  ‘water.’  Which  one  of  the  rain  Mothers 
this  is,  is  difficult  to  say,  but  it  is  one  in  the  west.  On  each  cheek  is  a front- 
shield.  On  either  side  of  the  nose  is  a back-shield  or  ‘bed  ’ with  plumes  attached. 
Above  the  eyebrows  is  the  maize-plant  (iku'  e'tsi).  The  figure  between  the 
eyebrows  is  a god-house.  The  star-like  figures  scattered  everywhere  represent 
the  flower  toto'  (more  correctly,  toto'  sikuta'mi,  p.  65). 

13.  Face-Painting  of  Young  Mother  Eagle  (Tate'  Ve'lika  Uima'li  Nea- 
likai'ya Urai'ya),  Fig.  278,  a.  — On  the  nose  as  well  as  on  the  forehead  and  on  the 
sides  of  the  face,  is  the  vine  ha'pani.  On  each  cheek  is  a flower  of  the  same 
plant  (ha'pani  rutu'li),  which  is  white,  red,  and  yellow.  On  the  chin  are  figures 
representing  clouds,  green  corn,  and  sugarcane. 

14.  Face-Painting  of  Young  Mother  Eagle  (Fig.  278,  b).  — On  each 
cheek  is  a representation  of  the  eagle  in  front  view.  On  the  border  of  the  right 
cheek,  as  well  as  on  the  chin,  are  six  deer  (five  male,  and  one  female)  and  a dog. 
Along  the  forehead  are  six  bluejays,  or,  as  the  Indians  expressed  it,  ‘jay  plumes’ 
(wa  moye'li). 

15.  Face-Painting  of  Rutu'li  Iwia'kami  (Rutu'li  Iwia'kami  Nealikai'ya 
Urai'ya),  Fig.  278,  c.  — Rutu'li  Iwia'kami  (‘  flower  skirt’)  is  the  sister  of  Young 
Mother  Eagle,  and  is  considered  identical  with  her.  The  barbed  lines  on  each 
side  of  the  face  are  bamboo  reeds  (ha'ka),  from  which  arrows  are  made,  and 
the  same  meaning  is  attached  to  the  rest  of  the  barbed  lines.  The  barbed 
S-shaped  figures  are  the  roots  of  the  bamboo-plant  (ha'ka  nana'li).  Round  the 
mouth  is  the  representation  of  the  root  of  a vine  which  grows  in  the  wet  season, 
and  which  is  found  among  the  roots  of  the  ha'ka.  On  either  cheek  is  a picture  of 
a flower,  Rutu'li  Iwia'kami,  the  name  of  the  goddess  as  well.  Four  venomous  ser- 
pents of  a species  called  Mosia'ka  are  represented.  This  serpent  is  about  two 
feet  long,  and  found  in  the  hot  country  (Tierra  Caliente). 

16.  Face-Painting  of  Young  Mother  Wa'ra  (Tate'  Wa'ra  Uima'li  Nea- 
likai'ya Urai'ya),  Fig.  278,  d.  — The  name  alludes  to  the  Virgin  Mary  as  patron 
saint  of  Mexico,  called  ‘ Guadalupe,’  and  is  another  impersonation  of  Young 
Mother  Eagle  above.  On  each  cheek  is  a back-shield  or  ‘ bed  ’ with  plumes 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


203 


of  the  royal  eagle  attached.  The  descending  lines  inside  the  back-shield  are 
candles.  The  short  lines  emanating  from  it  are  corn.  The  four  figures  over  the 
left  eye  represent  the  flower  toto',  and  the  eight  figures  along  the  edge  of  the 
face  from  the  chin  upwards  are  called  ‘angel  pictures’  (ai'keli  nealikai'ya). 
The  two  children  who  perform  at  certain  sacrificial  feasts  are  called  ‘ angels  ’ or 
‘ai'keli’  (see  p.  120,  Fig.  126,  <?).  The  design  across  the  forehead,  and  extending 
down  on  the  right  side  of  the  face,  represents  the  freno  design  first  mentioned 
under  Fig.  244,  e. 

17.  Face-Painting  of  Mother  North-Water  (Tate'  Hau'tse  Kupu'ri  Nea- 
likai'ya Urai'ya),  Fig.  278,  e.  — On  each  cheek,  as  well  as  on  one  side  of  the  chin, 
is  a front-shield.  On  the  left  side  of  the  chin  is  a parrot  with  a large  tail  (totowi' 
kwarie'ya).  Above  the  mouth  is  a squash-plant  (kuluku'r).  The  two  rows 
above  the  eyes  are  ears  of  corn,  and  the  curved  lines  between  the  eyebrows  are 
ornamental. 

18.  Face-Painting  of  the  Singing  Shaman  (Malea'kami  Nealikai'ya 
Urai'ya),  Fig  278,  f.  — All  the  lines  indicate  tracks  (ha'ye),  which  run  round  a 
corn-field,  the  latter  represented  by  the  dots  (ears  of  corn).  The  tracks  are 
those  of  wind,  rain,  and  water. 


XI.— MISCELLANEOUS  SYMBOLIC  OBJECTS. 


Under  this  heading  are  included  certain  symbolic  objects  which  it  was  not 
possible  to  classify  with  those  hitherto  treated. 

Eig.  279  shows  a pipe  of  Grandmother  Growth  (Nakawe'  yana'ya), — a piece 
of  bamboo  one  end  of  which  is  closed  through  a natural  growth  of  the  plant,  the 

piece  having  been  cut  off  just 
below  one  of  the  joints.  It  is 
colored  black,  and  has  daubs  of 

Fig.  279  (533).  Representation  of  Grandmother  Growth’s  Pipe.  white,  brOWn,  and  l'ed  all  OVCT  it. 

(Length,  15.5  cm. ; diam.,  2 cm.)  . , . 

About  the  middle  are  two  blue 
beads,  fastened  by  means  of  beeswax.  This  symbolic  pipe,  which  the 
supplicant  left  filled  with  tobacco,  was  sacrificed  to  gain  luck  in  rais- 
ing tobacco.  To-day  among  the  Huichols  only  the  hi'kuli-seekers  use 
pipes  on  their  journey.  The  name  for  these  is  osoya'na.  The  bowl 
is  of  clay,  and  the  stem  is  a piece  of  bamboo  reed. 

Fig.  280  is  a small  carved  stick  of  bamboo,  called  i'tsu,  of  the  same 
kind,  only  diminutive  in  size,  as  those  mentioned  on  p.  193.  It  was 
found  in  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother,  near  the  temple  of  Guayavas, 
where  it  was  deposited  by  a man  who  wished  luck  in  making  the  sticks 
used  at  the  dance. 

Fig.  281  shows  a diminutive  drum  of  Elder  Brother  (Tama'ts 
Pa'likd  Tamoye'ke  te'po),  from  the  same  god-house.  It  is  a cylindrical 
piece  of  wood,  one  end  of  which  is  cut  into  the  form  of  three  legs.  It  is 
adorned  all*  over  with  variously  colored  glass  beads,  and  w’as  deposited  by  a 
shaman  who  desired  luck  in  making  a drum. 

There  are  in  the  collection  six  specimens  of  such  small  drums,  decorated  with 
glass  beads  or  painting  of  some  sort.  One  is  dedicated  to  Grandmother  Growth, 

while  two  belono-  to  Elder  Brother,  one  to  Mother  West- 

<r> 

Water,  and  one  to  Iva'tsi.  Some  of  them  are  made  with 
four  legs.  The  prayers  expressed  by  the  drums  are  in  most 
cases  for  luck  in  making  real  drums.  One  of 
them  embodies,  besides,  a prayer  for  rain  and 
for  green  corn.  Another  is  a prayer  for  the 
recovery  of  a sick  child.  One  of  the  Elder 
Brother  drums  (Fig.  282)  expresses  the  prayer 
of  a shaman  that  he  may  not  get  tired  of  beat- 
ing the  drum.  The  top  of  this  drum  is  dec- 
orated with  variously  colored  beads,  which 
have  been  stuck  on  to  four  daubs  of  bees- 
wax, each  decorated  daub  signifying  the  heart  of  Elder  Brother. 

Fig.  283  shows  one  of  a pair  of  sandals  taken  from  the  god-house  of  Elder 
Brother,  near  the  temple  of  Guayavas.  They  are  the  shaman’s  ceremonial  sandals 

[204] 


Fig.  280(460). 
Di  mi  nutive 
Serpent  Stick. 
(Length,  1 9 
cm.) 


Fig.  281  (^72)-  Diminutive  Drum 
of  Elder  Brother.  (Height,  4.5  cm.; 
diam.,  3.2  cm.) 


Fig.  282  (reir).  Di- 
minutive Drum  of 
Elder  Brother. 
(Height,  3.5  cm.  ; 
diam.,  4.2  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HU1CHOL  INDIANS. 


205 


in  diminutive  size  (p.  183).  Such  a pair  is  placed  every  five  years  in  the  god- 
house,  on  behalf  of  a child  who  wants  to  become  a singing  shaman. 

Often  the  small  sandals  are  attached  to  arrows  ; and  as  the  real  sandals  are 
used  at  two  feasts  of  the  year,  the  prayers  expressed  by  the  diminutive  sandal 
vary.  In  one  case  a shaman  prays  that  he  may  eat  tamales  at  the  feast  of 
tamales  de  maiz  cruclo  ; and,  as  that  feast  cannot  come  off  without  killing  deer, 

he  indirectly  asks  for  luck  in  killing  deer.  In  another  case 
he  asks  for  luck  in  singing  at  the  same  feast. 

In  Fig.  284  is  a representation 
of  the  tobacco-gourd  of  the  hi'kuli- 
seeker.  It  is  a small  piece  of  wood 
carved  into  an  oval  shape.  Through 
a hole  pierced  longitudinally  in  it, 
a string  is  passed  to  represent  the 
string  of  the  real  tobacco-gourd.  On 
opposite  sides  are  small  daubs  of  bees- 
wax, to  which  a few  beads  were  evi- 
dently once  attached.  .This  little 
object  had  been  deposited  by  a man 
who  raises  the  kind  of  squashes  from 
which  tobacco-gourds  are  made  ; and 
the  prayer  expressed  is  that  he  may 
squashes  covered  with  many  excrescences 


Fig.  283  (47V) ■ Diminutive  Sha- 
man’s Sandal.  (Length,  about  9 cm.) 


succeed  in  raising 


or  abnormal  growths  on  the  outside.  This  kind,  as  will 
be  remembered,  is  considered  of  much  more  value  than 
squashes  with  a smooth  surface. 

Stems  of  squashes,  mentioned  on  p.  172,  are  also  depos- 
ited at  certain  sacred  places  for  luck  in  raising  squashes.  I 
have  seen  specimens  in  the  cave  of  Mother  West-Water,  in 
the  little  temple  of  Grandfather  Fire  in  Teaka'ta,  and  in  the 
cave  of  Grandmother  Growth.  I was  told  that  every  suppli- 
cant leaves  five  stems  and  burns  five  others  in  the  middle  of 
the  field  which  he  makes  ready  for  the  planting  of  squashes. 

Fig.  285  shows  a stick  of  Brazil-wood  called  kalatsi'ki. 

It  was  secured  in  the  temple  of  Santa  Catarina,  where  it 
had  been  made  by  one  of  the  officers  of  the  temple  in  order 
to  be  taken  later  to  the  little  temple  of  Grandfather  Fire  in 
Teaka'ta.  It  is  flat,  slightly  curved  sideways,  and  is  notched  on  both  edges  for 
more  than  half  of  its  length,  the  rest  of  the  stick  serving  as  a handle.  It  symbol- 
izes the  notched  deer-bone  against  which  the  shoulder-blade  of  the  deer  is 
rubbed  to  produce  a rattling  accompaniment  to  the  hunting-song.  The  noise  is 
supposed  to  be  specially  efficacious  in  decoying  the  deer  into  the  snare  : hence 
a symbolic  stick  like  this  is  deposited  for  luck  in  killing  deer. 


Fig.  284. 


Fig.  285. 


Fig.  284(375).  Representations  in 
Wood  of  FIFkuIi-Seeker’s  Tobacco- 
Gourd.  (Length,  2 cm.) 

Fig.  285  (i?3u)'  Wood-Carving 
representing  Notched  Deer-Bone 
or  Kalatsi'ki.  (Length,  37  cm.  ; 
greatest  width,  2 cm.) 


206 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


I give  here  an  illustration  (Fig.  286,  a)  of  the  real  kalatsi'ki,  a metatarsal 
bone  of  a deer,  as  well  as  the  shoulder-blade  (Fig.  286,  b ) with  which  it  is  rubbed, 
also  taken  from  a deer.  The  first-named  bone  is  from  the  left  side,  and  the 
notches  are  made  on  the  inner  side  ; towards  one 
end  the  notches  become  shallow  incisions.  On 
the  shoulder-blade,  which  is  taken  from  the  right 
side,  are  transverse  incisions  across  the  two  long 
borders  of  the  concave  surface.  When  in  use, 
the  shoulder-blade  is  held  with  the  right  hand 
by  the  spine,  and  rubbed  against  the  notched 
bone  held  in  the  left  hand.  This  rubbing  of 
bones  accompanies  the  song  in  the  house  during 
the  entire  night  before  the  hunt,  and  singing 
with  a similar  accompaniment  is  kept  up  for  one 
night  after  the  return  of  the  hunters. 

I learned,  however,  that  a more  important 
instrument  of  accompaniment  to  the  hunting- 
song  is  the  musical  bow,  which  is  of  the  same 
kind  as  that  used  by  the  Coras,  and  practically 
the  same  as  the  one  found  among  the  southern 

. 5*  Fig.  286,  a (1535),  Notched  Deer-Bone  or  Kalatsi'ki  ; 

Tepehuanes  and  the  few  neighboring  Aztecs.  « (Arr),  The  shouider-Biade  with  which  * is  rubbed. 

1 00  (Length,  23  cm.  and  16  cm.) 

As  the  musical  bow  is  at  present  attracting  con- 
siderable notice,  it  may  be  of  interest  to  describe  here  the  one  found  among  these 
latter  tribes  (Fig.  287).  It  is  considerably  longer,  thicker,  and  narrower  than  the 
ordinary  bow.  Among  the  Coras  it  exceeds  the  ordinary  bow  in  length  by  about 
30  cm. 

Its  necessary  accessory  is  a resonator  in  the  form  of  a large  gourd,  on  top  of 
which  it  is  placed.  The  gourd  selected  for  the  purpose  is  round,  and  compressed 
from  the  ends.  It  rests  on  the  ground  with  the  neck  turned  upwards.  A large 
circular  hole  is  carved  out  of  the  lower  end,  and  a smaller  hole  is  to  be  found  on 
the  side.  The  bow,  having  been  made  taut,  is  placed  on  the  gourd  with  its  back 

down,  the  middle  part 
resting  on  it.  The  sha- 
man, who  when  playing  is 
seated  on  a stool  or  a kind 
of  bench,  keeps  the  bow 
steady  by  a cross-piece 
of  fat  pine  wood,  which 
he  presses  with  one  foot. 
This  piece  of  wood,  which 
is  about  70  cm.  long,  3 cm. 

wide,  and  2 cm.  thick,  has  a transverse  slit  at  one  end,  to  fit  the  back  of  the  bow, 
over  which  it  is  placed.  This  tends  to  keep  the  bow  more’  steady  than  the 


Fig.  287  TGBtp  iofs)-  The  Musical  Bow  of  the  Southern  Tepehuanes  and  the  Aztecs. 
(Length  of  bow,  1 m.  36.5  cm.;  diam.  of  gourd,  about  38  cm.) 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


207 


sandalled  foot  could  do,  the  use  of  a stick  also  precluding  any  interference  with  the 
resonance  of  the  gourd.  This  custom  prevails  among  the  southern  Tepehuane 
Indians  and  the  neighboring  Aztecs.  The  Coras,  however,  glue  the  back  of  the 
bow  solidly  to  the  gourd,  for  the  occasion,  thus  making  one  instrument  of  them. 
They  also  place  the  gourd  over  a small  excavation  in  the  ground  in  order  to 
increase  its  resonance. 

This  musical  bow  is  played  by  two  thin  round  sticks  of  tough,  heavy  wood, 
each  about  40cm.  long.  It  produces  a loud  sound,  resembling,  at  some  distance, 
that  of  the  Huichol  drum,  yet  with  a rather  pleasant  mixture  of  the  ’cello,  more 
apparent  when  near  by. 

The  musical  bow  has  the  same  name  as  the  shooting  bow,  and  is  called  by 
the  southern  Tepehuanes,  and  their  neighbors  the  Aztecs,  tawito'l.  By  the  Coras 
the  name  tunamo'ti  is  applied.  The  Huichols  call  it  topi'.  The  gourd  and  the 
playing-sticks,  as  well  as  the  stick  on  which  the  foot  is  put,  have  their  special 
native  names.  In  the  Nahuatl  (Mexicano)  of  that  region  the  playing-sticks  are 
called  otsu'l,  and  the  stick  with  which  the  player  keeps  the  bow  from  moving  is 
called  kwa'wite.  Among  all  these  tribes,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  Huichol,  it  is  used  at  religious  ceremonies, 
when  it  takes  the  place  of  the  drum  of  the  latter  tribe. 

These  facts  settle  beyond  doubt  the  question  recently 
raised,  whether  or  not  there  is  a musical  bow  indigenous 
to  America.  To  deny  its  existence  among  the  Coras  and 
their  northern  neighbors  would  be  equivalent  to  doubting 
the  originality  of  the  Huichol  drum. 

Among  the  Huichols  the  musical  bow  is  rare,  but  I 
heard  of  its  use  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river.  It  is 
beaten  with  two  arrows, — one  of  Elder  Brother,  and  an- 
other of  the  Setting  Sun.  Probably  the  choice  of  accom- 
paniment depends  upon  the  decision  of  the  shaman.  The 
notched  bones  or  the  bow  are  specially  used  at  the  time 
before  clearing  the  fields  in  the  winter  for  the  coming  year, 
work  on  which  cannot  be  commenced  until  a deer  has  been 
killed. 

Fig.  288  shows  a bunch  of  six  deer-hoofs  called  riku'a 
(‘rattling  objects’  or  ‘ bells’)  taken  from  the  god-house  of 
Elder  Brother.  Each  is  attached  to  the  end  of  a twine 
of  bark-fibre  in  the  following  way  : A hole  is  made  longi- 
tudinally through  the  point  of  the  hoof,  the  extreme  point 
being  cut  off  for  the  purpose.  Through  this  hole  the  twine  is  put,  and  a knot 
is  tied  in  it  to  prevent  the  hoof  from  slipping  off.  The  six  twines  are  tied  together 
at  their  ends.  The  bunch  was  deposited  to  obtain  luck  in  hunting  deer. 

In  Fig.  289  is  seen  a strip  of  deerskin,  which  is  tied  round  the  ankle  in 
order  to  secure  luck  in  hunting.  The  skin,  apparently  taken  from  the  stomach 


Fig.  288  ( 37*1 ) . Bunch  of  Deer- 
Hoofs.  (Total  length,  about  18  cm.) 


208 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


of  the  animal,  is  cut  into  a rectangular  form,  with  long  narrow  strips  extending 
from  the  corners  of  one  of  the  short  sides.  To  the  opposite  corners  two  red 
woollen  tassels  are  attached  by  yellow  strings.  Such  ankle  ornaments  are  not 
in  common  use,  but  may  be  seen  at  the  dance  of  the  hi'kuli  feast. 

In  the  god-house  of  Elder  Brother  at  Teaka'ta  I found  the  skin  of  the 


hawk  Piwa'mi,  left  as  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  birds.  It  was  complete  with 
the  exception  of  the  wings,  which  were  missing. 

Fig.  290  shows  an  image  of  burnt  clay,  representing  a cow,  which  was 
found  in  the  cave  of  Grandmother  Growth  at  Santa  Catarina.  On  both  sides  it 
is  adorned  with  white  beads  on  three  daubs  of  beeswax.  It  is  a prayer  for  luck 
in  raising  many  large  cattle.  The  same  prayer  is  expressed  by  the  cow  repre- 
sented in  Fig.  291.  It  was  found  deposited  on  the  altar  in  the  church  of  San 
Andres.  It  is  made  of  beeswax,  and  adorned  all  over  with  blue,  white,  and 
black  beads. 

Finally  it  should  be  mentioned  that  I have  found  diminutive  jars  of  clay  as 
well  as  diminutive  comales  (cf.  p.  78)  deposited  in  the  cave  of  Grandmother 
Growth,  near  Santa  Catarina,  as  prayers  for  luck  in  the  manufacture  of  large 
utensils  of  the  same  kind. 


XII.  — CONCLUSION. 


From  the  symbolism  of  the  Huichols  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  main 
thought  of  their  prayers  is  food, — corn,  beans,  and  squashes.  Even  in  the  hunt- 
ing of  the  deer,  the  primary  consideration  is  that  the  success  of  the  chase  means 
good  crops  of  corn.  This  is  illustrated  in  the  picture  of  the  corn-plant  on  the 
deer-snares  shown  in  Fig.  19.  The  means  of  providing  food  is  rain  : therefore 
most  of  the  symbolic  objects  express,  first  of  all  prayers  for  rain,  and  then 
prayers  for  health,  good  fortune,  and  long  life.  In  many  cases  the  supplicant 
himself  is  represented  on  symbolic  objects  in  the  shape  of  a human  figure  or  a 
heart ; but  in  others  the  god  is  thus  depicted. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  act  of  sending  a prayer  to  a god  is  symbolized  by 
attaching  a representation  of  the  prayer  to  an  arrow.  The  direction  which  the 
arrow  is  to  take  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  painting  of  the  rearshaft  of  the  arrow, 
which  is  symbolic  of  the  deity.  In  other  cases  the  prayer  is  directed  to  the 
god  by  placing  the  symbolic  object  representing  the  prayer  in  the  temple  of  the 
deity  or  by  tying  it  to  his  chair  or  placing  it  in  his  votive  bowl. 

In  the  preceding  chapters  the  symbolic  objects  described  have  been  classified 
according  to  their  form.  In  conclusion  I will  give  a review  of  the  prayers  ex- 
pressed by  these  objects  and  of  the  symbols  utilized  by  this  Indian  tribe. 

Prayers.  — Speaking  in  a general  way,  arrows  and  back-shielcls  seem  to 
convey  mostly  individual  (or  personal)  prayers,  while  front-shields  mostly  serve 
to  convey  tribal  ones.  ‘ Eyes’  cover  both  purposes  to  an  almost  equal  extent. 

In  regard  to  prayers,  as  in  most  cases  of  symbolism,  we  can  trace  a connection 
between  the  object  and  the  symbol  expressing  it,  although  often  the  two  seem  at 
first  glance  to  bear  no  relation  to  each  other. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  how  their  chief  prayer,  that  for  rain,  is  embodied  in 
idols,  in  the  mask,  face,  or  eyes  of  the  gods,  and  in  rocks  and  stones  of  odd  shape, 
as  well  as  in  symbolic  representations  of  all  the  paraphernalia  of  the  gods,  — 
their  arrows,  front-shields,  back-shields,  staffs,  and  girdles.  We  also  find  it 

expressed  in  reproductions  of  animals,  and  of  various  natural  phenomena  con- 
nected with  rain,  such  as  the  sea,  clouds,  lightning,  and  rivers  ; and,  finally,  even 
in  artificial  objects  associated  with  water,  such  as  the  ark  of  the  Deluge  Legend. 

We  also  readily  understand  the  relation  of  prayers  for  success  in  raising 
corn,  beans,  and  squashes,  to  arrows,  front-shields,  and  disks,  or  to  the  back- 
shields  of  the  Mothers  who  created  these  plants,  the  object  of  the  prayer  often 
being  depicted  on  or  attached  to  the  symbol.  Such  prayers  are  also  often  found 
applied  in  beadwork  to  chairs,  stools,  or  votive  bowls  of  the  goddesses,  or  painted 
on  these  objects.  Sometimes  real  kernels  of  corn  are  fastened  to  the  inside  of  a 
votive  bowl,  and  dried  stems  of  squashes  are  deposited  in  the  god-houses,  to 
convey  the  same  idea.  The  ceremonial  objects  which  express  prayers  for  rain 

[209] 


2 10 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


and  bountiful  crops  are  also  used  to  implore  the  gods  to  grant,  what  to  the 
Indian  is  next  in  importance,  health  and  long  life.  But  there  are,  besides,  some 
special  symbols  that  pray  for  these  blessings,  as,  for  instance,  small  bamboo 
sticks,  — representations  of  the  staff  of  the  Mother  of  the  gods,  which  is  a symbol 
of  longevity.  Other  symbols  used  as  prayers  for  health  and  long  life  are  parrot- 
feathers,  artificial  flowers,  a spiral  painted  on  the  rearshaft  of  an  arrow,  a red 
thread  tied  around  an  arrow,  but,  above  all,  wads  of  cotton-wool,  on  account  of 
their  resemblance  to  the  clouds  that  bring  rain,  the  original  source  of  all  life  and 
health.  Still,  cotton-wool,  in  itself  the  chief  symbol  of  clouds,  may  also  be  used 
to  convey  prayers  for  luck  in  raising  cotton-plants. 

Prayers  in  regard  to  cattle,  mules,  and  other  domestic  animals,  as  well  as  for 
success  in  making  arrows,  bows,  chairs,  stools,  back-shields,  bamboo  serpent- 
sticks,  drums,  textile  work  of  any  kind,  and  earthenware  or  other  implements,  are 
expressed  by  sacrificing  diminutive  representations  of  the  articles  in  question. 

Luck  in  raising  squashes  from  which  tobacco-gourds  are  made,  is  asked  for 
by  sacrificing  a diminutive  tobacco-gourd  attached  to  an  arrow  or  to  a chair. 
Generally,  however,  this  little  gourd  expresses  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  deer, 
because  its  prototype,  so  necessary  a part  of  the  hi'kuli-seeker’s  outfit,  gives 
success  in  hunting  deer.  It  may  also  express  a woman’s  prayer  that  her  son 
may  become  a shaman. 

Prayers  against  evil  or  accidents  are  expressed  by  depicting  on  a back-shield 
the  source  from  which  danger  threatens.  Thus,  a person  fearing  that  the  scorpion 
may  bite  his  fowls,  deposits  with  the  gods  a piece  of  woollen  cloth  on  which  is 
embroidered  the  picture  of  a scorpion  between  two  hens  ; for  the  purpose  of 
protecting  his  cattle  against  the  mountain-lion,  a man  will  sacrifice  a back-shield 
with  a picture  of  that  ferocious  animal  on  it.  Frequently  special  devices  are  re- 
sorted to,  such  as  cutting  holes  in  pieces  of  cocoons  found  on  the  Madrona  tree  and 
placing  them  on  the  bed  of  Grandmother  Growth  as  a prayer  that  the  wind  may 
not  drive  away  the  clouds,  but  pass  on  through  the  holes.  A double  vessel  of 
burnt  clay  serves  the  same  purpose.  Protection  against  hailstorms  is  invoked  by 
placing  their  symbol,  executed  in  beadwork,  on  the  inside  of  a votive  bowl. 

Other  symbols  as  expressions  of  prayers  are  more  difficult  of  interpretation. 
Thus  a diminutive  drum,  which  represents  generally  a prayer  for  assistance  in 
making  drums,  may  in  other  instances  convey  a prayer  that  the  shaman  may 
have  luck  in  beating  the  drum  while  singing  at  the  feast  of  green  corn  ; further- 
more, as  this  feast  induces  the  gods  to  send  rain,  it  may  express  a prayer  for  rain 
and  green  corn.  It  may  also  express  a prayer  for  the  health  of  a child,  because 
at  the  same  feast  the  children  eat  first,  and  in  this  way  gain  health  and  life. 

Another  symbol  of  diversified  meaning  may  be  found  in  a pair  of  sandals  of 
ancient  pattern  attached  to  an  arrow.  Such  sandals  are  worn  only  by  shamans  at 
the  greatest  feast  of  the  Huichols,  that  of  tamales  de  maiz  crudo.  They  there- 
fore become  the  symbol  of  a prayer  that  this  feast  may  come  off,  also  that 
nothing  untoward  may  happen  to  the  shaman  at  the  feast  ; but,  inasmuch  as  the 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


2 I I 


feast  cannot  be  celebrated  unless  a deer  has  been  killed,  a pair  of  such  sandals  also 
expresses  a prayer  for  luck  in  killing  deer.  Furthermore,  as  in  olden  times  only 
the  men  wore  sandals,  which  at  that  time  were  of  the  ancient  pattern  referred  to, 
these  sandals  are  also  used  to  express  a woman’s  prayer  for  a husband. 

We  have  already  seen  how  prayers  to  avoid  evil  are  represented  on  back- 
shields,  the  idea  arising,  no  doubt,  from  the  ancient  use  of  the  back-shield  as  a 
protector  of  the  body,  especially  from  the  dangerous  heat  of  the  sun  ; but  the 
other  reputed  use  of  this  object,  as  a mat  or  bed  of  the  deities,  has  a stronger 
influence  upon  native  reasoning.  Thus  the  Huichol  mainly  associates  with  the 
back-shield  the  idea  of  a resting-place  for  the  deities,  and  it  has  become  a power- 
ful medium  through  which  he  asks  favors.  The  prayer  is  generally  expressed  by 
woven  or  embroidered  fiomres  on  the  back-shield.  In  this  connection  we  see  a 

o 

prayer  for  success  in  killing  deer  expressed  by  the  picture  of  a deer  and  a snare  ; 
the  prayer  of  a woman  who  desires  to  have  a child,  by  a human  figure  em- 
broidered on  a piece  of  woollen  textile  that  serves  as  a back-shield  ; a prayer  that 
the  hi'kuli  may  not  decay,  by  a picture  of  hi'kuli  on  a mountain  or  altar  woven  on  a 
back-shield  ; a prayer  for  success  in  making  native  beer,  by  the  picture  of  a gourd 
containing  beer  woven  on  a back-shield  ; a prayer  that  many  black  lambs  may  be 
born  into  the  flock,  by  rows  of  wads  of  black  wool  on  a loose  textile. 

Symbols.  — The  system  of  symbols  applied  to  express  abstract  ideas  or  con- 
crete objects  is  very  elaborate.  Many  symbols  of  the  Huichols  are,  however, 
ambiguous  in  their  significance.  This  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that,  owing  to 
a strong  tendency  to  see  analogies,  the  most  heterogeneous  phenomena  are  con- 
sidered as  identical.  For  instance,  most  of  the  gods  and  all  the  goddesses  are 
believed  to  be  serpents  ; so  are  the  pools  of  water  and  the  springs  in  which  the 
deities  live,  and  even  the  staffs  of  the  gods  ; these  last,  however,  are  also  con- 
sidered as  arrows.  In  the  sky,  in  the  wind  sweeping  through  the  grass,  the  mov- 
ing sea,  the  sinuously  flowing  rivers,  the  darting  lightning,  the  descending  rain  ; 
in  fire,  smoke,  clouds;  in  fact,  in  all  natural  phenomena,  — these  Indians  see 
serpents.  It  may  be  added  that  they  see  serpents  even  in  their  own  flowing  hair, 
in  the  girdles  around  their  waists,  in  the  ribbons  streaming  from  their  heads  and 
their  pouches,  in  their  wristlets  and  anklets.  Therefore  they  frequently  deco- 
rate their  handiwork  with  the  markings  on  the  backs  of  serpents  or  with  the 
rattles  of  rattlesnakes.  Maize  (the  plant  itself  as  well  as  its  fruit,  the  ears  of 
corn),  the  bow  with  its  elastic  re-action,  the  piercing  arrow,  and  even  the  tobacco- 
gourd,  — all  are  considered  as  serpents.  Even  the  trails  of  man  meandering  over 
the  land  appear  to  them  as  serpents.  The  gods  are  symbolized  by  painted  or 
carved  representations  of  the  human  figure,  or  by  their  various  paraphernalia. 
They  are  also  sometimes  embodied  in  small  rock  crystals.  The  eye  and  the  heart 
are  frequently  used  to  represent  a deity,  as  is  also  his  wristlet  or  his  bed.  Faces 
of  the  gods  are  generally  expressed  by  front-shields,  and  sometimes  by  broad 
colored  bands  on  the  rearshaft  of  an  arrow.  The  face  of  the  deer  god  is  sometimes 


212 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


indicated  by  a snare  for  catching  deer,  or  by  coils  of  variously  colored  beads 
on  tobacco-gourds.  The  power  of  the  god  is  symbolized  by  arrows,  and  for  this 
reason  the  rays  and  the  heat  of  the  sun,  through  which  he  manifests  his  power, 
are  considered  his  arrows.  This  power  is  also  symbolized  by  batons.  Lightning, 
for  instance,  is  looked  upon  as  the  baton  of  Mother  East-Water;  and  the  power 
of  Grandfather  Fire  is  symbolized  by  the  figure  of  an  eagle  carved  on  his  disk. 

Although  the  gods  are  obviously  natural  phenomena  personified,  and  besides 
represent  the  four  elements,  they  are  also,  to  the  Indian,  human  ; in  fact,  ancient 
Huichols  engaged  in  much  the  same  occupations  as  the  tribe  of  to-day  whose 
customs  and  religion  they  originated. 

The  front  and  back  shields  of  ancient  times,  as  well  as  the  arrows  associated 
with  them,  become  in  their  modern  counterparts  powerful  ceremonial  objects.  All 
such  paraphernalia  derive  their  significance  and  importance  from  their  reputed 
use  by  these  gods.  The  symbolism  expressed  in  this  way  is  remarkably  rich. 

It  has  been  pointed  out  that  the  deer  is  considered  as  identical  with  hi'kuli, 
and  hi'kuli  identical  with  corn,  and  certain  insects  identical  with  corn.  The  same 
tendency  to  consider  heterogeneous  objects  as  identical  may  be  observed  in  the 
fact  that  a great  variety  of  objects  are  considered  as  plumes.  Clouds,  cotton- 
wool, the  white  tail  of  a deer,  the  deer’s  antlers,  and  even  the  deer  itself,  are  con- 
sidered as  plumes,  and  all  serpents  are  believed  to  have  plumes. 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  front-shield  is  the  most  important  symbol  of  the 
Huichols,  and  specially  adapted  to  serve  as  a kind  of  sign-language  between  man 
and  god,  conveying  prayers  and  adoration,  as  well  as  religious  and  cosmic  ideas. 
The  disks  on  which  the  idols  stand  were  without  doubt  originally  front-shields, 
and  should  be  classed  with  them.  We  observed  how  the  original  front-shield 
(neali'ka),  with  its  central  hole  through  which  the  warrior  could  look,  became 
symbolic  of  a face  and  of  an  appearance,  and  how  at  last  it  even  served  as  an  ex- 
pression for  a picture.  This  comprehensive  use  of  the  word  neali'ka  as  signify- 
ing ‘front-shield,’  ‘face,’  ‘appearance,’  and  ‘picture,’  suggests  that  the  Huichols 
have  in  it  a veritable  word  for  ‘ symbol.’  This  view  is  corroborated  by  the  fact 
that  even  an  ‘ eye  ’ is  sometimes  called  a neali'ka.  However,  it  seems  to  me  more 
probable,  considering  the  state  of  mental  development  in  which  we  find  the 
Huichols,  that  a designation  of  something  concrete,  like  front-shield,  should 
have  been  gradually  applied  to  abstract  conceptions  readily  suggested  by  it, 
such  as  first  the  appearance  of  man,  and  next  the  appearance  of  objects  in  general, 
i.  e.,  pictures.  The  symbolic  use  of  back-shields,  especially  in  their  character  as 
mats  or  beds,  is  also  very  extensive.  Mountains  on  which  the  fog  rests  are  viewed 
as  altars,  i.  e.,  mats  or  beds  of  the  goddesses,  themselves  fog  and  rain. 

Flowers,  plants,  and  trees  play  an  important  part  in  the  religious  life  of  the 
Huichol,  the  hi'kuli-plant  above  all.  Flowers  are  sacrificed,  and  are  of  symbolic 
significance.  Certain  (lowers  are  considered  as  votive  bowls  of  the  deities.  A 
magnificent  yellow  flower,  which  grows  during  the  wet  season,  is  looked  upon  as 
the  votive  bowl  of  Mother  East-Water,  while  hi'kuli  is  that  of  Grandfather  Fire 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


213 


and  of  the  Corn  Mother.  Other  ilowers  are  symbols  of  life,  and  are  frequently 
worn  on  the  head  or  on  the  home-made  hats,  expressing,  like  plumes,  prayers  for 
life.  Life  (toki'la)  is  considered  as  something  above,  to  obtain  which  man  must 
reach  upward.  Since  some  gods  are  considered  trees,  may  we  not  see  in  this  idea 
an  allusion  to  the  Tree  of  Life,  the  Cross  of  Palenque  ? 

A spiral  painted  on  the  rearshaft  of  an  arrow,  the  blood  of  the  deer,  and  the 
color  red,  are  also  emblems  of  life  ; and  health,  life,  and  luck  are  symbolized  by 
cotton-wool,  by  the  hair  from  the  tail  of  the  deer,  by  the  deer  itself,  and  by  the 
color  white. 

Regarding  the  representation  of  symbolic  objects,  we  find  that  terraced 
figures,  zigzag  lines,  and  notches  along  the  rim  of  stone  disks,  are  used  to  ex- 
press the  earth  with  its  hills  and  valleys,  while  the  earth  on  which  the  god  walks 
is  indicated  by  a diametrical  line  across  the  disk. 

While  rain  is  generally  expressed  by  descending  parallel  lines,  it  may  also  be 
represented  by  the  figure  of  a water-bird  swallowing  a serpent,  by  a multitude  of 
variously  colored  serpents,  by  the  plumes  on  the  serpents,  by  pictures  of  small  red 
and  black  insects  that  appear  during  the  wet  season,  and  finally  by  representations 
of  the  waxing  and  the  waning  moon.  Clouds  are  indicated  by  coils  of  red  and 
white  beads  and  by  wads  of  wool  of  the  various  colors  in  which  the  clouds 
appear.  Snakes  painted  red  and  black  or  in  other  colors,  and  the  facial  painting 
of  the  hi'kuli-seekers,  convey  the  same  idea.  The  wind,  too,  assumes  the  shape 
of  serpents  flying  through  the  air,  and  its  track  in  the  corn-field  is  designated  by 
a band  of  curved  lines  interspersed  with  dots.  Rivers  are  represented  by  zigzag 
lines  ; and  the  sea,  by  a large  wavy  design  in  beads,  or  by  blue  beads  covering  a 
corn-cob  on  top  of  a representation  of  the  white  rock  near  San  Bias,  or  by  a 
zigzag  line  around  a votive  bowl ; while  the  waves  of  the  sea  are  depicted 
as  a series  of  small  serpents.  The  sky  in  the  day-time  is  denoted  by  a 
broad  reddish  band  painted  along  the  edge  of  a stone  disk.  The  four  cardinal 
points  of  the  world  are  indicated  by  the  figure  of  a Greek  cross  ; but  the  upper 
section  of  the  rearshaft  of  an  arrow  may  indicate  east,  and  its  lower  section 
west. 

The  sun  is  most  commonly  figured  as  a circular  space  surrounded  by  rays, 
while  the  different  stages  of  his  journey  are  indicated  by  various  colors.  Thus 
the  sun  of  the  east  has  a yellow  centre  ; the  sun  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  or 
south,  has  a red  centre  ; the  sun  of  the  north  has  a blue  centre  ; and  the  sun  of  the 
west,  a variegated  star-like  centre.  Stars  are  generally  denoted  by  dots  or  spots,  but 
the  morning  star  is  represented  by  a Latin  cross  in  red.  As  the  morning  star  is 
revered  as  an  important  god  of  the  Huichols,  it  can  easily  be  understood  why  a 
Christian  cross  has  been  used  as  its  symbol.  Zigzag  lines,  or  irregular  curved 
lines,  or  red,  tongue-shaped  figures,  depict  lightning  ; and  hailstones  are  seen  in 
rock  crystals,  or  in  daubs  of  beeswax  set  with  red  beads  in  a votive  bowl. 

The  usual  expression  for  corn  is  dots,  either  painted,  or  indicated  by  beads 
fastened  with  beeswax  to  the  inner  side  of  a votive  bowl  ; but  the  Huichols 


214  LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 

interpret  as  corn  the  natural  markings  on  shells  and  rocks,  or  coils  of  worsted  fas- 
tened to  a disk.  Ears  of  corn  are  depicted  by  short  painted  stripes  or  rays,  and 
also  by  the  painting  of  a fish,  which  is  called  by  the  Mexicans  bagre.  Heaps  of 
corn  in  harvest-time  are  represented  by  interlaced  horizontal  and  vertical  lines. 
Corn-plants  are  indicated  in  about  the  same  manner  as  ears  of  corn,  only  when- 
ever the  former  are  meant,  the  short  stripes  are  attached  to  a band  which  repre- 
sents the  earth,  or  to  the  outer  edge  of  a snare,  etc. 

The  symbols  for  beans  and  squashes  are  much  alike.  Generally  speaking, 
dots  represent  the  fruit,  and  zigzag  lines  the  vine.  However,  beans  may  also  be 
indicated  by  ray-like  rows  of  beads  on  a chair;  and  the  bean-plant,  with  its  roots 
and  fruit,  by  a coil  and  a string  of  beads. 

Hi'kuli  may  be  designated  by  a green  band  painted  on  the  middle  of  the 
rearshaft  of  an  arrow,  but  more  frequently  it  is  denoted  by  a cross-like  figure  ; 
at  other  times  by  triangular  figures,  or  by  short  lines  emanating  from  a circle 
around  a cross. 

Flowers  appear  as  wads  of  variously  colored  wool  on  the  mat  of  Mother 
East-Water.  They  are  also  indicated  by  outlines  of  diamond-shaped  figures  on  a 
back-shield  of  the  same  goddess,  or  by  various  painted  designs.  Sprouting  trees 
are  expressed  by  serpentine  and  straight  lines  ; bamboo  reeds  by  barbed  lines  ; 
and  the  roots  of  this  plant  by  S-shapecl  barbed  figures. 

Serpents  are  shown  by  curved  or  by  zigzag  lines  ; they  are  also  seen  in  the 
corn-cob  on  top  of  a representation  of  the  white  rock  near  San  Bias,  because  both 
the  corn-plant  and  the  ear  of  corn  are  viewed  as  serpents. 

The  heart  of  a god  (or  of  a person)  may  be  expressed  by  diamond-shaped, 
square,  or  round  markings  in  the  middle  of  a human  figure  ; but  it  may  also  be 
shown  as  a string  of  red  beads  in  the  form  of  a coil  on  a disk,  or,  finally,  as  a 
small  representation  of  the  real  heart  made  from  a certain  seed  (wa've).  A cross 
surrounded  by  a square  in  the  middle  of  a bird,  and  a large  dot  on  a scorpion, 
also  stand  for  the  hearts  of  the  respective  animals. 

Diversity  of  the  Meaning  of  Symbolic  Designs.  — If  we  now  take  a 
rapid  survey  of  the  various  meanings  which  one  and  the  same  symbol  may  serve 
to  express,  we  obtain  some  interesting  results. 

A bed  is  most  completely  shown  by  a design  of  longitudinal  lines  crossed  by 
an  equal  number  of  horizontal  lines,  in  imitation  of  the  real  bed  or  back-shield  ; 
but  the  cross-lines  are  generally  left  out,  and  we  find  that  parallel  longitudinal 
lines  are  made  to  serve  as  expressions  not  only  for  their  most  common  synonyme, 
falling  rain,  but  also  for  a bed,  and  further  for  the  tail  and  wing  feathers  of  the 
royal  eagle.  A similar  combination  of  lines,  which,  however,  rest  on  horizontal 
line,  stands  for  candles  ; but  when  the  lines  are  very  short,  they  signify  corn-plants. 
Short  lines  emanating  from  a circle  around  a cross  mean  hi'kuli  ; in  another  case, 
short  radial  stripes  surrounding  a circular  space  (the  sun)  designate  plumes  of 
various  kinds  of  hawks  belonging  to  the  sun.  Longitudinal  lines  painted  on  an 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


215 


arrow  signify  its  path  ; while  similar  lines  in  a facial  painting,  but  interspersed 
with  dots,  symbolize  corn-fields. 

Irregular  lines  with  short  side-lines  are  bean-plants,  and  when  dots  are  scat- 
tered about  this  design,  they  indicate  that  the  bean-plant  is  in  fruit.  These  are 
easily  distinguished  from  irregular  lines  in  various  colors,  which  mean  serpents,  that 
is,  showers  in  the  west. 

Curved  lines  in  general  indicate  serpents  ; but  when  there  are  dots  between 
curved  lines,  they  mean  ears  of  corn  in  the  fields.  Bands  of  curved  lines  with 
dots  between  them  are  the  tracks  of  wind,  rain,  and  water  in  the  fields. 

Interlaced  horizontal  and  vertical  lines  mean  heaps  of  corn  in  harvest-time  ; 
however,  a triple  row  of  curved  lines,  connected  with  cross-lines,  and  the  outer 
line  barbed,  represents  the  vine  ha'pani. 

Barbed  bands,  which  occur  so  frequently  in  facial  paintings,  generally  denote 
clouds  ; when  they  are  applied  in  a more  or  less  horizontal  position,  the  barbs 
that  turn  upwards  are  clouds,  and  those  that  turn  downwards  are  rain,  and  there- 
fore of  the  same  significance  as  the  descending  parallel  lines,  but  this  distinction 
is  not  always  observed.  Sometimes  the  barbed  bands  represent  the  bamboo-plant, 
which  furnishes  material  for  arrows.  The  recumbent  S-shaped  designs  represent 
caterpillars,  and  in  other  places  bamboo-roots. 

Zigzag  lines  stand  not  only  for  rain-serpents,  but  also  for  lightning,  the  sea 
surrounding  the  world,  hills  and  valleys  projected  on  the  horizon,  bean-plants,  and 
squash-vines.  Dots  and  small  circular  spots  of  various  colors  are  corn,  but  also 
beans  and  squashes,  flowers  of  the  squash-vine,  and  sometimes  even  ears  of  corn. 

A cross  refers  to  the  four  cardinal  points,  but  also  signifies  money,  sparks,  etc., 
while  half  of  a Greek  cross  stands  for  hi'kuli  (and  accordingly  corn),  and  for 
certain  small  insects  which  appear  during  the  wet  season  (and  therefore  also  for 
corn).  A cross  enclosed  in  a circle  on  the  figure  of  a bird  designates  its  heart. 

Coils  of  bead  strings  (and  in  one  case  of  worsted)  depict  grains  of  corn,  also 
beans,  the  heart  of  a child,  the  face  of  a god,  and,  finally,  clouds.  Diamond- 
shaped figures  represent  the  eye  of  the  god  and  the  power  to  see  and  understand 
unknown  things  ; in  one  case,  when  embroidered  on  a piece  of  cloth,  they  are 
viewed  as  a snare,  and  represent  the  face  of  the  deer  god  ; and  when  crossed  by  a 
line,  they  designate  hi'kuli  growing  on  the  ground.  Triangular  figures  mean 
clouds,  hi'kuli,  or  the  earth. 

A broad  band  on  the  rearshaft  of  an  arrow  may  indicate  the  face  of  a god, 
east  or  west,  according  to  the  color  used,  the  god’s  wristlet,  hi'kuli,  and  life.  A 
band  along  the  edge  of  a disk  may  signify  the  sky,  the  earth,  etc.  A square  may 
indicate  the  earth,  the  heart  of  a person,  or  hi'kuli.  A circular  figure  surrounded 
by  long  or  short  rays  is  the  Sun.  When  the  rays  are  short,  they  are  called 
plumes,  and  when  they  are  long,  they  mean  bis  rays  or  arrows.  A circular  space 
enclosed  in  a complicated  design  expresses  hi'kuli  as  well  as  a votive  bowl. 

Rock  crystal*  express  hailstones  as  well  as  the  Corn  Mother  ; they  are  also 
the  ancestors  or  relatives  of  the  Huichol. 


2l6 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Daubs  of  beeswax  set  with  blue  beads  in  a votive  bowl  are  expressive  of  hail- 
stones ; but  when  set  with  variously  colored  beads,  they  represent  the  heart  of 
Elder  Brother.  Beads  of  various  colors  set  in  a votive  bowl  mean  grains  of  corn, 
while  blue  beads  covering  the  corn-cob  on  top  of  a representation  of  the  white 
rock  near  San  Bias  signify  the  sea. 

Relations  to  other  Tribes.  — As  the  Huichols  are  neighbors  of  the 
Nahuatl,  to  whom  they  are  linguistically  related,  it  is  only  reasonable  to  expect 
that  some  similarities  may  also  be  found  between  the  culture  of  this  tribe  and  that 
of  the  Aztecs.  Thus  the  myth  of  the  creation  of  the  sun  as  told  by  the  latter 
people1  recalls  that  related  by  the  Huichols.  Their  ceremonial  cakes,  too,  may  be 
recognized  as  similar  to  those  used  by  the  Aztecs.  At  Pochotita  a steep  stair- 
way of  three  narrow  steps  leads  up  to  one  of  the  god-houses.  No  doubt  other 
instances  of  analogy  between  the  two  peoples  can  be  found  in  the  material  here 
presented. 

It  suggests  even  closer  similarities  to  the  culture  of  another  tribe.  At  the 
conclusion  of  a lecture  which  I delivered  in  1898  before  the  Anthropological 
Society  of  Washington,  on  the  general  subject  of  this  memoir,  Mr.  Cushing 
expressed  the  opinion  that  these  symbolic  objects  might  throw  much  light  on 
the  origin  of  Maya  writing.  He  said  substantially,  that  the  Huichol  Indians, 
judging  by  the  account  I had  given  of  them,  were  to-day  in  the  status  of  culture 
that  the  Zuni  Indians  had  reached  in  remote  prehistoric  times  ; while,  in  the 
highly  developed  condition  of  their  symbolic  art,  they  even  more  nearly  repre- 
sented the  Mayas  of,  say,  two  or  three  thousand  years  ago.  One  could  not,  by 
seeing  the  little  votive  shields  that  had  been  shown  on  the  screen,  fail  to  be 
impressed  by  the  resemblance  of  these,  if  arranged  in  rows,  to  the  shield-shaped 
writing  in  the  ancient  Maya  temples  and  codices.  It  was  easy  to  infer,  Mr. 
Cushing  thought,  that  these  Huichol  prayer-shields,  hung  up  at  intervals  in  the 
god-houses  and  temples,  were,  in  the  first  place,  highly  developed  forms  of  such 
little  dance-shields  as  the  Zuni  and  other  northern  Indians  used  in  their  sacred 
dramas.  If  hung  up  at  more  regular  intervals,  and  accordingly  in  more  orderly 
array,  in  the  temples,  they  would  speedily  come  to  be  regarded  as  ‘ speaking 
shields,’  and  so  woidd  ultimately  be  graven  and  painted  on  the  walls  of  the 
temples  themselves,  precisely  as  are  the  shield-like  iconograms,  or  so-called 
‘ glyphs,’  of  the  ancient  Maya  ruins. 

It  is  of  interest  to  add  that  Major  Powell  coincided  in  this  view,  and  that 
since  then  Mr.  Cushing:  has  carried  on  researches  which  tend  to  confirm  his 
opinion  even  in  detail.  It  certainly  is  interesting  to  find,  for  instance,  in  the 
Dresden  Codex,  illustrations  of  the  God  of  Death  associated  with  the  locust  and 
the  tiger,  the  meaning  of  which  will  be  found  in  my  study  of  the  Huichols. 
These  people  told  me  that  two  animals  (both  called  in  this  special  capacity  mi'tso) 


1 Codex  Ramirez,  Proc.  Amer.  Philos.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXI,  pp.  619,  622. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


217 


protect  them  against  the  God  of  Death  : the  one  is  the  locust,  whose  chirping 
is,  of  course,  magic,  like  the  singing  of  a shaman,  and  who  rejuvenates  himself  by 
shifting  his  skin  ; the  other  is  the  tiger-cat,  who,  through  the  spots  of  ‘ decay’  on 
his  skin,  protects  man  from  the  arrival  of  this  dread  enemy,  for  which  reason  the 
Huichols  never  kill  it.  It  may  be  seen  in  the  Dresden  Codex  that  the  God  of 
Death  carries  the  dead  on  his  back,  as  the  Huichol  God  of  Death  carries  them 
on  the  back  of  his  head  (see  Fig.  48).  In  the  same  Codex  the  God  of  Death  is 
seen  with  a locust  either  on  his  back  or  on  his  head,  while  the  tiger  is  represented 
alongside  of  him.  I hope  that  Maya  scholars  will  be  able  to  find  other  similari- 
ties in  the  subject-matter  of  this  memoir. 

I am  not  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  the  myth  of  the  creation  of  the  sun,  alluded 
to  above,  is,  in  its  general  traits,  common  to  many  American  tribes,  and  I have  no 
doubt  that  in  the  same  way  analogies  to  various  other  tribes  may  be  found  in  this 
treatise.  The  ceremonial  cakes,  for  instance,  are  used  also  among  the  Zapotecs1 
of  to-day,  as  well  as  among  nearly  all  the  Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico  and 
Arizona.  But  such  phenomena  should  not  cause  surprise,  as  researches  tend 
more  and  more  to  convince  us  of  the  similarity  of  Indian  thought,  under  similar 
conditions. 


Apuntes  historicos  por  Dr.  D.  Eulogio  G.  Gillow,  Mexico,  1889,  p.  206. 


\ 


APPENDIX. 


The  figures  refer  to  pages. 

I.  INDEX  OF  PRAYERS,  WITH  THEIR  REPRESENTATIVE  SYMBOLS. 


For  Rain  (and  indirectly  for  Bountiful 
Crops)  : representations  of  the  vegetation 
produced  by  rain  — mainly  corn  (and  its 
symbolic  equivalents,  deer  and  hi'kuli), 
beans,  and  squashes  — on  stone  disks,  56  ; 
on  front-shields,  108,  no,  in,  112,  114,  115, 
I 17,  119,  120,  T23,  124,125,126,127,  130,134; 
on  back-shields,  138,  141,  142,  146,  r47,  148, 
153  1 representations  of  serpents,  as  symbols 
of  water  (as  rain  as  well  as  water  in  any  form, 
pools,  rivers,  and  the  waves  of  the  sea,  have 
to  the  Indian  the  form  of  serpents),  47,  54  ; 
single  and  double  water-gourds,  the  only 
means  for  carrying  water  from  the  spring  to 
the  house,  1 13,  126  ; idols  and  paraphernalia 
of  Grandmother  Growth,  49,  52  ; rocks  and 
stones,  single  or  in  votive  heaps,  represent- 
ing rain  deities,  76  ; representation  of  the 
white  rock  near  San  Bias,  80  ; ancient  stair- 
case, 62  ; representations  of  the  waxing  and 
waning  moon,  132  ; the  ark  of  the  Deluge 
Legend,  169;  the  za'pa,  184;  ancient  gir- 
dles, symbolic  of  serpents,  187  ; a diminu- 
tive drum  as  one  of  the  accessories  to  the 
rain-making  feast,  204  ; double  vessel  of 
burnt  clay,  79  ; double-headed  serpent  of 
burnt  clay,  81. 

Indirectly  for  Rain,  and  Consequent  Boun- 
tiful Crops  : most  of  the  symbolic  designs 
on  the  idols,  59,  79  ; on  the  stone  disks, 
79;  on  the  front-shields,  115,  119;  on  the 
back-shields,  140,  146  ; on  votive  bowls, 
163  ; on  various  objects  connected  with  the 
ark  of  the  Deluge  Legend,  170  ; facial 
paintings,  198. 

For  Food  : ‘eyes,’  154;  tamales,  99. 

For  Success  in  raising  Corn  : arrow  of  the 
Corn  Mother,  99  ; arrow  of  Mother  West- 
Water,  100  ; chair  of  wood,  with  coils  of 
beads,  73,  74  ; stool,  76  ; front-shields,  108, 
134  ; front-shield  of  Mother  East-Water, 
125,  127  ; back-shield  with  picture  of  hi'kuli, 
93  ; votive  bowl  with  grains  of  corn,  74  ; 


votive  bowl  of  Grandmother  Growth,  48  ; 
votive  bowl  with  beads  on  a patch  of  bees- 
wax, 74,  163  ; diminutive  drum,  204  ; double 
clay  vessel,  79. 

For  Success  in  raising  Beans  : ray-like  rows 
and  a zigzag  band  of  beads  attached  to  a 
wooden  chair,  74  ; votive  bowl  with  dec- 
oration of  coil  of  red  beads  and  string  of 
beads,  74  ; stone  disk  of  Grandmother 
Growth,  with  painting  of  bean-plant  and 
beans,  46. 

For  Success  in  raising  Squashes  to  serve  as 
Food  : front-shield  of  Mother  East-Water, 
127  ; votive  bowl  with  coil  of  beads  in  cen- 
tre, 164;  stems  of  squashes  (dried),  205; 
zigzag  lines  of  beads  on  a wooden  chair,  74. 

For  Success  in  raising  Squashes  from  which 
Tobacco-Gourds  are  made  : diminutive 
gourd  attached  to  arrow  or  chair,  72  ; a 
small  piece  of  wood  carved  in  the  shape  of 
a tobacco-gourd,  205  ; an  arrow,  93. 

For  Success  in  raising  Squashes  to  serve  as 
Drinking-Gourds  : front-shield  of  Mother 
East-Water,  127;  back-shield  with  represen- 
tation of  squash-vine,  146  ; back-shield  with 
picture  of  vine  and  gourds,  147. 

For  Success  in  raising  Tobacco  : pipe  of 
Grandmother  Growth,  205. 

For  Success  in  raising  Cotton  : an  ‘ eye  ’ 
made  of  yarn  of  cotton-wool,  159  ; a chair 
to  the  seat  of  which  wads  of  cotton-wool 
are  attached,  73. 

For  Success  in  raising  Cattle  : a wooden 
chair,  75  ; a diminutive  cow  of  burnt  clay, 
208  ; diminutive  cows  of  burnt  clay  de- 
posited on  votive  heaps,  79. 

For  Luck  in  keeping  Mules  : diminutive 
mules  of  burnt  clay  deposited  on  votive 
heaps,  79. 


[219] 


220 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


That  Many  Black  Lambs  may  be  born  into 
the  Herd  : back-shield  with  three  rows  of 
woollen  wads  interwoven,  148. 

For  Long  Life  : stone  disks,  30,  40  ; ceremo- 
nial sticks  of  Grandmother  Growth,  5c  ; 
chairs,  73;  arrows,  91,  99,  100;  front- 
shields,  122,  123  ; parrot-feathers  (or  feather 
ornaments),  74,  193  ; artificial  paper  flowers 
bought  in  Mexican  stores,  74  ; red  thread 
tied  around  an  arrow,  100  ; wads  of  cotton- 
wool, 15 1 ; spiral  line  painted  on  rearshaft 
of  an  arrow,  100;  large  ‘eye’  placed  up- 
right in  the  ground,  100  ; ancient  girdles, 
187  ; back-shield,  141,  145. 

For  the  Health  of  Man  : stone  disks,  30  ; 
chairs,  73  ; double  vessel  of  burnt  clay  (for 
stomach-ache),  79  ; arrows,  92,  99  ; ancient 
arrow  of  Grandfather  Kauyuma'li,  107  ; 
ceremonial  sticks  of  Grandmother  Growth, 
50;  front-shields,  108,  no,  112,  122,  123, 
126;  ‘face’  of  Mother  West- Water,  136; 
back-shields,  99,  142,  145,  148  ; votive  bowl, 
161  ; large  ‘eyes’  placed  upright  in  the 
ground,  154  ; wads  of  cotton-wool  attached 
to  symbolic  objects,  99. 

For  the  Health  of  Children  : diminutive 
stone  disk  of  Grandfather  Fire,  34  ; back- 
shields,  93,  147  ; soft  back-shields,  148,  149  ; 
image  of  Grandmother  Growth,  46  ; diminu- 
tive drum,  204;  arrows,  89,  93,  100;  small 
bamboo  sticks  of  Tate'  Tuliriki'ta,  52  ; vo- 
tive bowl  with  human  figure,  165  ; ‘eyes,’ 
74,  97,  154,  155,  r56- 

For  the  Health  of  Domestic  Animals  : disk 
(front-shield)  of  the  Setting  Sun,  42. 

For  Luck  in  making  Arrows  : a short  arrow 
painted,  but  without  ‘winged  part,’  85. 

For  Luck  in  making  a Bow  : a diminutive 
bow,  95. 

For  Luck  in  making  Chairs  : northern  bed  of 
Grandmother  Growth,  48. 

For  Luck  in  making  Stools  : an  ‘eye  ’ placed 
on  a stool,  160. 

For  Luck  in  making  a Back-Shield  : back- 
shield  (or  flower-bed)  of  Mother  West-Water, 

*50. 


For  Luck  in  making  Bamboo  Serpent  Sticks: 
a small  specimen  of  the  same  kind,  204. 

For  Luck  in  making  a Drum  : a diminutive 
drum,  204. 

For  Luck  in  Textile  Work  : a piece  of  wool- 
len textile  attached  to  an  arrow,  99  ; a piece 
of  woollen  textile  pierced  by  an  ‘ eye,’  98, 
154,  159  ; a za'pa  (stick),  184. 

For  Luck  in  making  a Girdle  : back-shield 
with  markings  of  serpent’s  back,  attached 
to  an  arrow  of  Elder  Brother,  99. 

For  Luck  in  Embroidering  : a piece  of  wool- 
len textile  with  an  unfinished  representation 
of  a flower  embroidered  on  it,  149  ; a piece 
of  cloth  on  which  a design  is  embroidered, 
pierced  by  an  ‘eye,’  159. 

For  Luck  in  making  Earthenware  Uten- 
sils : diminutive  jars  of  burnt  clay,  79,  208. 

For  Luck  in  making  Beer  : back-shield  with 
picture  of  gourd  containing  beer,  147. 

For  Luck  in  killing  Deer  : stone  disks, 
3°,  34,  133  l arrows,  94,  95,  96,  97,  101  ; 
rock  crystals,  63  ; deer-heads,  68  ; antlers 
of  deer,  69  ; diminutive  deer  and  dog  of 
burnt  clay  deposited  in  votive  heaps,  79  ; 
netted  shield  attached  to  an  arrow,  94  ; 
diminutive  snares  folded  (as  stored  away  for 
keeping),  95  ; diminutive  snares  (as  placed 
in  the  fields)  either  attached  to  an  arrow  or 
hung  up  independently,  95,  103  ; bows 
attached  to  an  arrow,  96  ; wristlet  attached 
to  an  arrow,  97  ; an  arrow  with  front-shield 
of  the  god  attached  to  it,  97  ; wooden  rep- 
resentation of  the  kalatsi'ki  (notched  bone), 
101,  205;  front-shield,  hi,  119;  back- 

shield  with  picture  of  deer  on  it,  104  ; 
ko'ma  (arrow  carried  horizontally  on  the 
back),  104  ; stone  front-shield  of  Father  Sun, 
133  ; back-shield  with  picture  of  deer  and 
snare,  145  ; back-shield  with  picture  of  deer, 
snare,  and  kalatsi'ki,  too  ; back-shield  with 
picture  of  snares,  15 1 ; diminutive  artificial 
tobacco-gourd,  72,  192  ; diminutive  sandal, 
205  ; votive  bowl  with  representation  of 
deer  and  snare,  163  ; loop  made  of  beads 
(neali'ka),  97  ; bunch  of  deer-hoofs,  207  ; 
strip  of  deerskin  tied  around  the  ankle  of  a 
man,  208. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


22  1 


For  Luck  in  killing  Parrots  and  Other 
Birds  : plume-handle  of  Grandfather  Fire, 
177  ; skin  of  a hawk,  208. 

Of  a Shaman,  that  he  may  not  get  tired 
beating  the  Drum  : diminutive  drum,  204. 

Of  a Shaman,  for  the  Feast  of  Tamales  de 
Maiz  Crudo  : a pair  of  diminutive  sandals, 
205  ; picture  of  shaman  with  wand  on  a 
front-shield,  1 17. 

Of  a Shaman,  for  Luck  in  singing  at  a 
Feast  of  Tamales  de  Maiz  Crudo  : a 

pair  of  diminutive  sandals  made  of  twisted 
strips  of  palm-leaf  attached  to  an  arrow,  97, 
205. 

Of  a Shaman,  for  the  Destruction  of  an 
Enemy:  a small  bow  attached  to  an  arrow, 
93  ; an  ‘ eye,’  94. 

For  the  Presence  and  the  Help  of  the 
Gods:  ‘heart’  of  the  God  of  Fire,  137; 

an  ‘eye,’  73,  97,  103,  154,  155  ; neali'ka  of 
Grandfather  Fire,  136. 

For  Luck  in  General  : handle  of  a shaman’s 

plume,  175  ; arrows,  92  ; antlers,  69  ; ‘ eyes,’ 
154;  votive  bowl,  161. 

For  a Safe  Journey  to  the  Hi'kuli  Country  : 
a knotted  string,  188. 

That  the  Hi'kuli-Seeker  may  be  free  from 
Sickness  : a front-shield,  127. 

That  the  Lightning  may  not  strike  the 
People,  the  Supplicant,  or  the  Cows  : 
votive  bowl  with  symbolic  baton  of  Mother 
East-Water  fastened  to  it,  163. 

That  the  Scorpion  may  not  sting  the 
Supplicant  : rock  crystals,  66. 

For  Protection  from  Accidents  when  run- 
ning Deer  : rock  crystals,  64  ; ko'ma,  105. 


That  Nobody  may  fall  during  the  Cere- 
monial Race  : bannerets  carried  by  the 
leaders,  184. 

Of  a Woman,  that  she  may  get  a Husband  : 
two  diminutive  sandals  of  wax,  attached  to 
an  arrow,  99. 

Of  a Woman,  that  she  may  give  Birth  to  a 
Child  : a piece  of  woollen  textile  on  which 
a human  figure  is  embroidered,  attached  to 
an  arrow,  93  ; a double  vessel  of  burnt  clay, 
79  ; a back-shield,  146. 

Of  a Woman,  that  her  Son  may  become  a 
Singing  Shaman  : a diminutive  sandal 

attached  to  an  arrow,  99,  205  ; diminutive 
tobacco-gourd  in  wax,  99. 

That  the  Herds,  Fields,  and  Utensils  may 
be  guarded  : stones  of  peculiar  shape,  79. 

That  the  Lion  may  not  attack  the 
cattle  : a back-shield  with  a representation 
of  a lion,  146. 

That  the  Scorpion  may  not  sting  the 
Fowls  : back-shield  with  representation  of 
two  fowls  and  a scorpion,  150. 

That  the  Wind  may  not  drive  away  the 
Clouds  : holes  cut  in  oval  pieces  of  the 
cocoons  of  the  Madrona  tree,  which  are 
placed  on  the  southern  bed  of  Grandmother 
Growth,  49. 

That  the  Wind  may  not  destroy  the  Young 
Corn-Plants  : double  vessel  of  burnt  clay, 
79- 

That  Hailstorms  may  not  occur  : votive 
bowl  with  five  patches  of  beeswax  set  with 
blue  beads,  165. 

That  Hi'kuli  may  not  decay  : back-shield 

with  picture  of  hi'kuli  on  an  altar,  147. 


II.  INDEX  OF  SYMBOLS  AND  THEIR  SIGNIFICANCE. 


Lines  or  stripes  : 

longitudinal  parallel,  rain  or  raindrops,  30,  35, 
80,  198,  200  ; ears  of  corn,  53,  168  ; a ‘ bed,’ 
198;  tail-feathers  of  the  royal  eagle,  198; 
wing  and  tail  feathers  of  eagle,  33  ; red  and 
yellow,  rain,  42  ; white  and  yellow,  rain,  52, 


146  ; on  an  arrow,  the  path  of  the  arrow, 
83  ; on  an  arrow,  wristlet  of  the  Setting  Sun, 
91  ; of  red  and  blue  or  white  and  blue  beads, 
falling  rain,  163. 

slanting  parallel,  wing  and  tail  feathers  of  the 
royal  eagle,  37  ; red  and  blue,  rain,  39  ; 


22 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


riNES  or  stripes,  continued : 

slanting  parallel,  green,  red,  and  blue,  rain- 
drops, 41  ; black  and  white,  green  corn,  55. 

radial,  short,  alternately  red  and  blue,  ears  of 
corn,  29  ; plumes  of  various  kinds  of  hawks, 
38  ; alternately  black  and  white,  or  alter- 
nately red  and  blue,  rain,  117,  127  ; emanat- 
ing from  a central  circle  (sun),  sunbeams,  38, 
133  ; emanating  from  a front-shield,  corn, 
29  ; emanating  from  a circle  around  a cross, 
hi'kuli,  35  ; emanating  from  the  outer  edge 
of  a snare,  corn-plants,  41  ; short  green  and 
yellow,  attached  to  a band  (the  earth),  corn- 
plants,  41. 

horizontal,  extending  diametrically  across  a 
disk,  the  earth  on  which  a god  walks,  33  ; 
red  and  black,  or  of  different  colors,  clouds 
of  different  colors,  1 12,  142  ; emanating  from 
a line  surrounding  a bed,  ears  of  corn,  198. 

descending,  with  small  cross-lines  in  their 
upper  part,  candles,  198. 

vertical,  row  of  short,  resting  on  a horizontal 
line,  candles,  198,200. 

longitudinal,  interspersed  with  dots,  corn-field, 
189. 

circular,  concentric,  of  variously  colored  beads 
in  a votive  bowl,  the  plains  of  the  earth, 
165- 

irregular,  with  irregular  short  side  lines,  on  the 
face  of  Grandmother  Growth,  bean-plant, 
44  ; with  short  side  lines  and  dots  scattered 
about,  bean-plant  in  fruit,  46  ; of  beads  pro- 
ceeding from  a coil,  roots  of  the  bean-plant 
proceeding  from  a pile  of  beans,  74 ; in 
various  colors  (serpents),  showers  in  the 
west,  130. 

horizontal  and  vertical,  interlaced,  heaps  of 
corn  in  harvest-time,  200. 

curved,  in  general,  venomous  and  other  ser- 
pents, 142;  overlapping  (‘freno’),  clasped 
hands,  200  ; with  dots  between  them,  ears  of 
corn  in  a field,  198  ; bands  of,  with  dots  be- 
tween them,  the  tracks  of  wind,  rain,  and 
water  in  the  corn-fields,  203  ; a triple  row 
of,  connected  with  cross-lines,  the  outer  line 
barbed,  the  vine  ha'pani,  202  ; the  squash- 
vine,  200. 

curved  and  barbed,  short,  the  hawk,  202  ; the 
barbs  turned  upwards,  clouds,  200  ; forming 
an  irregular  figure,  a god-house,  202. 

barbed,  on  top  of  the  head,  on  the  sides  of  the 


face,  and  on  the  nose  and  chin,  clouds,  198, 
2co,  202  ; bamboo  reeds,  202  ; surrounding 
the  figure  of  a corn-field,  boundary-lines, 
198. 

serpentine,  on  the  nose  and  chin,  the  fire- 
serpent  Sipuliki'a,  198. 

serpentine  and  straight,  together,  trees  sprout- 
ing, 202. 

zigzag,  blue,  around  the  rim  of  a disk,  hills  and 
valleys  projected  on  the  horizon,  27,  33  ; also 
the  serpent  Sakaimo'ka,  41  ; dark  blue,  the 
serpent  Hakwi'aka,  55  ; red,  around  the  rim 
of  a disk,  bean-plant  with  flowers,  47  ; blue 
and  yellow,  the  serpent  Kowivyo',  198;  on 
serpent  sticks,  the  rattle  of  the  rattlesnake, 
194  ; on  an  arrow,  lightning,  also  the  power 
and  speed  of  the  arrow,  83  ; of  white  beads, 
squash-vine,  74  ; with  short  lines  emanating 
at  irregular  intervals,  a squash-vine,  203  ; 
with  dots  interspersed,  squash-vine  with 
flowers,  200  ; of  blue  and  white  beads  along 
the  outer  edge  of  a votive  bowl,  the  sea  sur- 
rounding the  world,  166  ; irregular,  clouds, 
203  ; irregular  blue  and  red,  lightning,  39  ; 
irregular,  and  rings,  on  a front-shield,  clouds 
at  sunset,  134. 

Dots  and  spots  : 

on  the  middle  of  a human  figure,  the  heart,  59. 
three,  on  the  skirt  of  the  Corn  Mother,  corn 
planted  in  the  fields,  54. 
in  facial  painting,  on  shields,  bowls,  disks,  etc., 
corn,  35,  41  ; on  the  figure  representing  the 
white  rock  near  San  Bias,  corn,  80. 
scattered  over  the  surface  of  the  disk  of  Grand- 
mother Growth,  beans,  46. 
irregularly  outlined,  clouds,  19S  ; small,  rain- 
drops, 198. 

black,  red,  and  yellow,  on  the  face  of  Grand- 
mother Growth,  corn  of  different  colors,  43. 
red  and  blue,  on  the  face  of  Grandmother 
Growth,  grains  of  corn,  135. 
made  of  beads  of  various  colors,  in  a votive 
bowl,  grains  of  corn,  163. 
green,  in  a corn-field,  the  weeds  found  in  it,  57. 
black  and  blue,  round,  in  longitudinal  rows  on 
an  arrow,  the  face  of  tevali,  65. 
and  stripes,  in  a votive  bowl,  grains  and  ears  of 
corn,  47. 

red  and  yellow,  surrounding  figures  represent- 
ing hills,  corn-fields,  37. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


223 


Dots  and  spots,  continued : 
in  and  around  a si'kuli  on  a disk  of  Grand- 
father Fire,  transverse  section  of  an  ear  of 
corn,  30. 

between  zigzag  lines,  fruit  of  the  squash-vine, 
200. 

one  red  dot  in  an  irregularly  outlined  figure, 
a spring  in  a mountain,  37. 
round  red  and  oblong  yellow,  near  serpents  on 
a disk,  the  front-shields  of  the  serpents,  39. 
large  red,  on  the  disk  of  Young  Mother  Eagle, 
the  heart  of  the  constellation  Scorpion,  57. 
large  circular,  stars,  37. 

formed  by  a coil  of  red  beads  on  a disk,  the 
heart  of  a child,  34  ; formed  by  a coil  of 
white  beads  surrounded  by  a row  of  blue 
beads,  on  a chair,  grains  of  corn,  74  ; formed 
by  a coil  of  beads,  and  accompanied  by  a 
string  of  beads,  in  a votive  bowl,  beans  and 
the  root  of  a bean-plant,  74  ; formed  by 
coils  of  black,  yellow,  and  red  worsted  on  the 
front-shield  of  Mother  East-Water,  grains  of 
corn,  134  ; formed  by  a coil  of  white  beads 
in  a votive  bowl,  clouds,  162  ; formed  by  a 
coil  of  white  beads  in  a votive  bowl,  clouds 
in  the  west,  163  ; formed  by  a coil  of  blue 
beads  in  a votive  bowl,  clouds  in  the  east 
and  in  the  south,  163. 

between  the  arms  of  a cross  or  around  a cross, 
grains  of  corn,  35. 

round,  on  the  sides  of  wing-feathers,  the 
markings  of  the  feathers,  33. 

Cross  : 

Greek,  the  four  quarters  of  the  world,  124,  140. 
half  of  a Greek,  small  insects  appearing  during 
the  wet  season,  and  therefore  rain  and  corn, 
118,  126,  141. 

cross-shaped  figures  on  a front-shield,  hi'kuli, 
also  corn,  1x4. 
small,  sparks,  198. 

red  Latin,  on  a front-shield  of  Father  Sun,  the 
morning  star  preceding  the  rising  sun,  111. 
inclosed  in  a circle  on  the  body  of  a bird,  the 
heart  of  the  bird,  29. 
red,  on  a disk,  money,  37,  39. 
on  a human  figure,  the  heart,  93. 

Rings  and  zigzag  bands  of  red  and  yellow  wor- 
sted fastened  with  beeswax  on  the  front- 
shield  of  Mother  West-Water,  clouds  at 
sunset,  134. 


Circular  space  surrounded  by  rays,  the  sun, 
i33- 

Diamond-shaped  figures  : 

‘eye’  of  the  god  (si'kuli),  32,  154. 
power  of  seeing  and  understanding  unknown 
things,  154. 

shamanistic  powers,  144. 

on  a back-shield,  snares  representing  the  face 
of  the  deer  god,  151. 

in  the  middle  of  a human  figure  on  a disk,  the 
heart,  59. 

crossed  by  a dark-blue  line  on  a back-shield, 
two  hi'kuli  growing  on  the  ground,  102. 
in  outline  on  a back-shield,  flowers,  especially 
the  male  squash-flower,  152. 

Triangular  figures  : 

attached  to  a circular  band  on  a front-shield, 
clouds,  37. 

painted  red  on  an  edge  of  a back-shield, 
hi'kuli,  142. 

on  a back-shield,  the  earth,  147. 

Square  figure  : 

painted  across  the  nose,  the  earth,  198. 
in  the  middle  of  a human  figure,  the  heart  of 
the  person  represented,  59. 
irregular,  set  on  edge,  hi'kuli,  126,  147. 

Terraced  figures  in  red  and  yellow,  the 
earth  and  its  hills,  141. 

Circular  figure  : 

in  the  centre  of  a disk,  the  sun  in  the  day- 
time, 38. 

with  a yellow  centre,  to  the  left,  the  rising  sun, 
east,  38. 

on  the  lower  part  of  a disk,  with  a red  centre, 
the  sun  of  the  south,  38. 
in  the  upper  part  of  a disk,  with  a blue  centre, 
the  sun  of  the  north,  38. 
on  the  right  of  a disk,  with  a star-like  centre  of 
various  colors,  the  sun  of  the  west,  38. 
on  the  forehead,  hi'kuli,  also  a votive  bowl,  41, 
198. 

Star-shaped  figure  : 

the  flower  toto',  201  ; section  of  an  ear  of  corn, 
30,  45,  162. 

in  the  centre  of  a disk,  a spring  or  pool,  54. 

Beehive-shaped  figures  on  a disk,  hills  on 
which  corn  is  planted,  37. 


224 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HU1CHOL  INDIANS. 


Flower-like  figures  on  a disk,  leaves  of  the 
‘toy’  bush,  35. 

Swastika-like  yellow  figures,  two,  on  a 
disk  of  the  Corn  Mother,  the  ‘eyes’  of  the 
Corn  Mother,  54. 

Tongue-shaped  figures  on  a disk,  lightning, 
55- 

Wing-like  figures  on  a disk,  corn-stalks  with 
ears  of  corn,  55. 

S-shaped  barbed  figures,  caterpillars,  200 ; 
also  the  roots  of  the  bamboo-plant,  202. 

Irregularly  outlined  figures  on  a back- 
shield  of  Grandfather  Fire,  the  earth  with 
hills  and  valleys,  140  ; in  blue,  on  a disk, 
the  cave  of  the  god  (in  which  the  disks  are 
stored),  41  ; formed  by  curved  barbed  lines, 
a god-house,  202. 

Rays  : 

ray-like  rows  of  beads  in  a votive  bowl, 
beans,  74. 

eight,  of  various  colors,  the  rainbow,  127. 

Notches  along  the  edge  of  a disk,  hills  and 
valleys,  27. 

Cavity  in  the  centre  of  a disk,  the  god’s 
drinking-gourd,  28. 

Cotton-wool  : health,  clouds,  113,  114. 

Wool  from  pochote  : 

of  different  colors,  clouds  of  different  colors, 
45)  48- 

red,  also  the  evening  sky,  45. 

red  and  blue,  on  a ‘bed,’  flowers,  48. 

Hair  from  the  tail  of  a deer,  tied  to  an  arrow, 
health,  45. 

Plumes  : 

health,  life,  and  good  luck,  the  shamanistic 
power  of  the  sun,  119. 

red  and  yellow,  painted  on  a serpent,  rain,  47. 

Tobacco-gourds  : 

luck  in  raising  squashes  from  which  tobacco- 
gourds  are  made,  93. 

luck  in  killing  deer,  192. 

woman’s  prayer  that  her  son  may  become  a 
shaman,  99. 


Daubs  of  beeswax  : 

set  with  blue  beads,  hailstones,  165. 
set  with  variously  colored  beads,  the  heart  of 
Elder  Brother,  204. 

Beads : 

of  various  colors,  blue,  red,  white,  and  yellow, 
set  in  a votive  bowl,  grains  of  corn,  163. 
blue,  on  the  corncob  on  top  of  the  representa- 
tion of  the  white  rock  near  San  Bias,  the 
sea,  80. 

of  various  colors,  forming  zigzag  lines  in  a 
votive  bowl,  rain-serpents,  163. 

Serpents : 

painted  on  disks,  on  front-shields,  in  votive 
bowls,  etc.,  rain,  54,  130,  164. 
in  a blue  space  (the  sky),  the  wind,  41. 
being  swallowed  by  a water-bird,  rain  neces- 
sary for  the  growth  of  the  corn,  48. 
the  serpent  Hakwi'aka  Yu'wime,  full-grown 
corn,  55. 

with  red  and  yellow  plumes,  rain,  121. 
indicated  by  variously  colored  irregular  lines, 
showers  in  the  west,  130. 
two-headed,  with  green,  blue,  and  red  lines  on 
the  back,  raindrops,  41. 
forming  a row  of  waves,  the  sea,  171. 
snake  painted  red  and  black,  approaching 
storm  and  clouds,  54. 

Colors : 

mixed,  on  the  mat  of  Mother  East-Water,  the 
flowers  created  by  the  goddess,  148. 
red,  life,  63;  the  rising  sun,  91  ; fire,  104. 
white,  health,  99. 

yellow,  fire,  Grandfather  Fire,  the  setting  sun, 
34,  63,  196. 

Section  of  the  rearshaft  of  an  arrow  : 

upper,  painted  red,  east,  the  blood  of  the  deer, 
91- 

lower,  painted  red,  the  west,  91. 
upper  and  lower,  painted  dark  blue,  sparks  of 
Grandfather  Fire,  91. 

middle,  painted  dark  blue,  wristlet  of  Grand- 
father Fire,  91. 

middle,  painted  green,  hi'kuli,  the  middle  of 
the  world,  91. 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


225 


III.  INDEX  OF  OBJECTS  AND  IDEAS,  AND  THEIR  REPRESENTATIVE  SYMBOLS. 


Power  : batons,  49. 
of  a god,  the  arrow,  83. 
magic,  plumes,  shaman’s  plumes,  121. 
to  see  and  understand  unknown  things,  ‘ eyes,’ 
T54- 

of  Grandfather  Fire,  a tiger  with  a baton  in 
his  claws,  114;  over  the  whole  earth,  the 
royal  eagle  on  his  disk,  27. 
of  Grandmother  Growth,  her  baton,  54. 

Health  and  luck  : cotton-wool,  45,  65  ; hair 
from  the  tail  of  a deer,  45  ; the  deer  itself, 
21  ; the  color  white,  44  ; plumes,  21. 

Life  : the  color  red,  63  ; blood  of  the  deer,  91  ; 
a spiral,  100. 

Heat  of  the  sun  : a black  circular  section  in 
the  centre  of  a front-shield,  i n ; white,  red, 
yellow,  and  black  curved  sections  on  a 
front-shield,  surrounding  a ‘sun,’  114. 

Faces:  the  front-shield,  108. 

of  Father  Sun,  a red  band  edged  with  blue,  on 
an  arrow,  65. 

of  Grandfather  Fire,  a blue  band  edged  with 
black,  on  an  arrow,  65. 

of  the  deer  god,  a snare  represented  by  a dia- 
mond-shaped figure,  151  ; snare  for  catching 
deer,  95. 

of  Elder  Brother,  a coil  of  various-colored 
beads  on  a tobacco-gourd,  192,  203. 
of  Te'vali,  rows  of  blue  and  black  spots  on  his 
arrow,  65. 

Wristlet  : 

of  Grandfather  Fire,  middle  section  of  an 
arrow,  painted  dark  blue,  91. 
of  Father  Sun,  breast-feathers  of  the  red-tailed 
hawk,  39. 

of  the  Setting  Sun,  four  longitudinal  stripes  on 
an  arrow,  91. 

Eyes  : si'kuli,  30  ; diamond-shaped  ornaments, 
32. 

The  earth  : a broad  circular  band  near  the 
edge  of  a disk,  41  ; a triangular  figure  on  a 
back-shield,  147  ; a square  painted  on  the 
nose  in  a facial  painting,  198. 
with  hills  and  valleys,  irregular  figures  near  the 


edge  of  a back-shield,  141  ; terraced  figures 
in  red  and  yellow  on  a back-shield,  146. 

held  in  the  talons  of  an  eagle,  an  irregular 
green  space  below  the  eagle,  143. 

on  which  the  god  walks,  a diametrical  line 
across  a disk,  33. 

Plains  : straight  lines  of  various-colored  beads, 
165- 

Mountains  : 

on  which  fog  rests,  altars,  55. 

in  the  hi'kuli  country,  irregular  outline  figures, 
144. 

with  springs,  outlined  figures  with  a single  red 
dot,  37. 

and  valleys  on  the  horizon,  a zigzag  line 
painted  around  the  rim  of  a disk,  27,  57. 

Hills  near  by  : notches  along  the  edge  of  a 
disk,  27. 

Fire  : the  color  yellow,  63. 

Rain,  raindrops  : in  general,  descending  lines, 
vertical  lines,  water-gourds,  double  water- 
gourds,  serpents,  dots. 

vertical  lines  on  face  of  Great-grandfather 
Deer-Tail,  35  ; red  and  blue  slanting 
lines,  39  ; longitudinal  lines  painted  on  the 
face  of  the  hi'kuli-seekers,  30  ; a water-bird 
swallowing  a serpent,  48  ; green,  blue,  and 
red  lines  on  the  back  of  the  two-headed  ser- 
pent, 41  ; red  and  yellow  plumes  on  serpents, 
47  ; longitudinal  red  and  yellow  stripes  on 
the  face  of  Elder  Brother,  42  ; representa- 
tions of  small  red  and  black  insects  ap- 
pearing during  the  wet  season,  118,  126; 
alternating  narrow  red  and  blue  sections, 
127  ; various-colored  irregular  lines  (con- 
sidered as  serpents),  130;  representations  of 
the  waxing  and  waning  moon,  131  ; vertical 
yellow  and  white  stripes,  146  ; blue  and 
white,  and  blue  and  red  beads  forming  lines, 
163  ; barbs  turned  downward  on  horizontal 
line,  202. 

Rivers  : zigzag  band  in  blue  and  red  on  a front- 
shield,  125  ; zigzag  line  in  blue  and  green, 
yellow  and  green,  and  black  beads  on  a 
votive  bowl,  165. 


226 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Sea  : large  wavy  design  of  beads  in  a votive 
bowl,  162  ; blue  beads  on  the  corncob  on 
top  of  the  representation  of  the  white  rock 
near  San  Bias,  80. 

surrounding  the  world,  double  zigzag  design 
in  blue  and  white  beads  along  the  edge  of  a 
votive  bowl,  166  ; the  serpent  Tate'  Ipou, 
80. 

waves  of  the,  a row  of  serpents,  171. 

Rainbow  : eight  rays  of  various  colors  sur- 
rounding the  centre  of  a front-shield,  127. 

Sky  : 

in  the  day-time,  a broad  reddish  band  along  the 
edge  of  a stone  disk,  37,  40. 
in  the  evening,  red  wool,  45  ; white  and  red 
beads,  162. 

Clouds:  coils  of  red  and  white  beads,  162; 
smoke  from  the  fire,  20  ; stripes  of  black  and 
red  crewel  on  a front-shield,  112  ; irregular 
zigzag  lines,  T90,  202  ; wool  of  pochote,  45, 
48;  cotton-wool,  1 1 2,  1 14;  barbed  lines  on 
the  forehead,  sides  of  the  face,  and  chin  in 
a facial  painting,  198,  200  ; irregularly  out- 
lined dots  in  a facial  painting,  198,  200  ; 
straight  and  curved  barbed  lines  turned 
upwards,  and  horizontal  lines  with  barbs 
turned  upwards,  in  a facial  painting,  200. 
of  different  colors,  wool  of  different  colors, 
45,  1 13;  various-colored  stripes  on  a back- 
shield,  142. 

rising,  four  white  figures  forming  a diamond  in 
the  centre  of  a front-shield,  125. 
at  sunset,  the  evening  sky,  red  cotton-wool, 
134  ; rings  and  zigzag  lines  of  various-col- 
ored beads,  134  ; triangular  figures  attached 
to  the  inner  side  of  a circular  band  from 
which  rays  emanate,  37  ; triangular  figures 
in  the  centre  of  a front-shield,  1 1 7 . 
dark,  rain-laden,  a red  and  black  snake,  54. 

Wind:  serpent  in  a blue  space  (considered  as 
the  sky),  41. 

sounds  of,  the  reeds  in  the  necklace  of 
Grandmother  Growth,  52. 
tracks  of,  and  of  rain  and  water,  on  the  earth 
and  in  the  corn-fields,  a band  of  curved 
lines  with  dots  within,  203. 

The  four  cardinal  points  of  the  world  : a 
cross  within  a double  circle  representing 
the  earth,  33  ; a Greek  cross,  124,  140. 


east,  the  upper  section  of  the  rearshaft  of  an 
arrow,  painted  red,  91. 

west,  the  lower  section  of  the  rearshaft  of  an 
arrow,  painted  red,  91. 

The  sun  : circular  spaces  surrounded  by  rays, 
sometimes  painted  red,  27,  133  ; a coil  of 
blue  beads  interspersed  with  beads  of  other 
colors,  162  ; broad  curved  sections  of  white, 
black,  red,  and  yellow  surrounding  the  sun, 
114. 

in  the  day-time,  a central  circular  design  on  a 
disk,  38. 

in  the  east,  a circular  design  with  yellow 
centre,  38. 

in  the  south,  a circular  design  with  red  centre, 
38- 

in  the  north,  a circular  design  with  blue 
centre,  38. 

in  the  west,  a circular  design  with  variegated 
star-like  centre,  38. 

rays  of,  radial  lines  emanating  from  a central 
circle,  133  ; the  arrows  of  the  sun,  37. 

Stars  : large  and  small  circular  dots  and  spots, 
37- 

the  morning  star,  a red  Latin  cross,  m. 

Lightning  : irregular  curved  red  and  blue  lines, 
39  ; red  tongue-shaped  figures  on  disk  of 
the  Corn  Mother,  35  ; zigzag  line  on  an 
arrow,  83  ; baton  of  Mother  East-Water, 
163- 

Hailstones:  rock  crystals,  63  ; daubs  of  bees- 
wax set  with  blue  beads  in  a votive  bowl, 
165. 

Corn  : dots,  spots,  48  ; short  lines  (barbs),  198  ; 
rows  of  short  perpendicular  lines,  168  ; 
coils  of  white  beads  surrounded  by  a row 
of  blue  beads,  74  ; spots  on  the  figure  rep- 
resenting the  white  rock  near  San  Bias,  80  ; 
representations  of  the  small  red  or  black 
insects  appearing  during  the  wet  season, 
1 1 8,  126;  angular  and  cross-like  figures, 
114. 

fields  of,  red  and  yellow  dots  surrounding  hills, 
37  ; the  skirt  of  the  Corn  Mother,  54  ; dots 
between  straight  vertical  lines,  198  ; weeds 
in,  green  dots  in  the  design  of  corn-fields, 
57- 

grains  of,  dots,  29,  30,  47  ; five  dots  in  an 
inscribed  cross,  35  ; dots  around  a cross 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


22  7 


(meaning  money),  37  ; dots  in  a votive  bowl, 
47  ; red  and  blue  spots  on  the  face  of  Grand- 
mother Growth,  135  ; spots  of  various-col- 
ored beads  in  a votive  bowl,  163  ; coils  of 
black,  yellow,  or  red  worsted  on  the  front- 
shield  of  Mother  East-Water,  134  ; the  natu- 
ral markings  on  the  kura  shell,  185. 

Corn  : 

ears  of,  rays  painted  alternately  blue  or  red,  29  ; 
short  longitudinal  stripes  on  a votive  bowl, 
47  ; on  the  skirt  of  the  Corn  Mother,  53  ; 
wing-like  figures  on  a disk,  55  ; a fish,  132  ; 
short  horizontal  lines  emanating  from  the 
outer  line  of  a bed,  202  ; spots  between 
longitudinal  lines,  198. 

transverse  sections  of  an  ear  of,  an  ‘ eye  ’ with 
dots,  30  ; red,  yellow,  and  black  ‘ eyes  ’ on 
the  right  cheek  of  Grandmother  Growth, 
144;  a star-like  figure  of  yellow  beads  (indi- 
cating seven  rows  of  grains),  162. 
plants,  short  green  and  yellow  stripes  attached 
to  a band  (the  earth),  41  ; short  lines  (barbs) 
emanating  from  the  outer  edge  of  a snare, 
41  ; wing-like  figures  on  a disk,  55  ; the  ser- 
pent Hakwi'aka  Yu'wime,  55. 
green  corn,  black  and  white  lines  emanating 
from  the  back  of  a serpent,  55  ; a black  fish 
with  white  stripes  and  spots,  55. 
of  various  colors,  black,  red,  and  yellow  spots 
on  the  face  of  Grandmother  Growth,  43  ; 
cross-shaped  figures,  125. 
heaps  of,  in  harvest-time,  interlaced  horizontal 
and  vertical  lines,  200. 

Beans  : ray-like  rows  of  beads  on  a chair,  74  ; 
red  dots  on  a disk,  46. 

plant,  irregular  lines  with  side  lines  and  inter- 
spersed dots  on  a disk,  46  ; a black  line 
with  irregular  short  lines  on  the  face  of 
Grandmother  Growth,  44  ; with  flowers,  a 
blue  zigzag  line  on  the  rim  of  a stone  disk, 
47  ; with  roots  and  fruit,  coils  and  strings 
of  beads,  74. 

Squash-vine  : zigzag  line  of  white  beads,  74  ; 
a green  and  red  band  forming  an  angle, 
147  ; zigzag  lines  with  short  lines  emanating 
from  them  at  irregular  intervals,  203  ; with 
squashes  and  flowers,  a zigzag  line  inter- 
spersed with  dots,  bordered  by  a barbed 
line,  200. 

Hi'kuli  : the  middle  section  of  the  rearshaft  of 


an  arrow,  painted  green,  91  ; cross-like  fig- 
ures, 114;  figures  in  red  and  blue,  144; 
white,  tree-like  figures  on  a red  background, 
145  ; triangular  figures,  some  of  them  red, 
126,  142  ; short  lines  (barbs)  emanating 
from  a circle  around  a cross,  35  ; growing 
on  the  ground,  dark-blue  diamond-shaped 
figures  crossed  by  dark-blue  lines,  102. 

FIapani-vine  : a triple  row  of  curved  lines,  the 
outer  barbed,  connected  with  cross-bars, 
200. 

flowers  of,  an  irregular  hexagonal  star  sur- 
rounded by  an  irregular  circle,  202. 

Flowers  : wads  of  various-colored  wool  on  the 
mat  of  Mother  East-Water,  140  ; outlines 
of  diamond-shaped  figures  in  various  colors 
on  a back-shield,  152. 
toto',  star-like  figures,  171,  202. 
rutu'li  iwia'kami,  octagonal  stars  inside  of  a 
barbed  ring,  202. 

Trees  sprouting  : serpentine  and  straight  lines, 
202. 

Bamboo  reed  (haka)  : barbed  lines,  202. 
roots  of,  S-shaped  barbed  figures,  202. 

Scorpion  : figure  of  a scorpion,  55  ; constel- 
lation, 57  ; arrow  of  the  sun,  39. 

Caterpillars  : S-shaped  barbed  figures,  200. 

Serpents  : curved  lines,  142  ; zigzag  lines  on 
serpent  sticks,  193  ; curved  zigzag  lines, 
202. 

Kowivyo',  zigzag  line  in  blue  and  yellow,  198. 
fire-serpent,  serpentine  line  on  nose  and  chin 
in  facial  painting,  198. 

Yoa'wimeka,  a corncob  on  top  of  the  represen- 
tation of  the  white  rock  near  San  Bias,  80. 

Butterfly  : markings  on  serpent  sticks  and 

combs,  193,  194. 

Insects,  small  red  and  black,  appearing  during 
the  wet  season  : cross-like  figures,  118,  126. 

Snare  for  catching  deer  : a ring  over  the  head 
of  a serpent,  41. 

Gods  : carved  or  painted  representations  of 
human  figures,  198;  the  Corn  Mother,  a 
rock  crystal,  63  ; deer  god  of  the  south, 
deer  with  antlers,  33. 


228 


LUMHOLTZ,  SYMBOLISM  OF  THE  HUICHOL  INDIANS. 


Heart  : 

of  a god  or  person  represented,  diamond- 
shaped, square,  or  round  markings  in  the 
middle  of  a human  figure,  59  ; of  Elder 
Brother,  daubs  of  beeswax  set  with  variously 
colored  beads,  204. 

of  a child,  a string  of  red  beads  in  a coil  on  a 
diminutive  stone  disk,  34. 
of  the  royal  eagle,  a cross  painted  on  a bird, 
and  surrounded  by  a circle,  29. 
of  the  scorpion,  a large  red  dot,  57. 

Sparks  of  Grandfather  Fire  : upper  and  lower 
sections  of  an  arrow,  painted  dark  blue,  91. 

Linking  of  hands:  two  ‘overlapping  scrolls 
(‘  freno  ’),  200. 

Native  beer  : a white  space  on  a back-shield, 
147- 

Facial  painting  of  the  Sun  : his  rays,  137. 

Bed  of  the  gods  : longitudinal  parallel  lines  with 
cross-lines,  33,  198. 

Plumes:  barbed  curves,  32,  198;  handles  of 
shaman’s  plumes,  177. 

Wing  and  tail  feathers  : longitudinal  parallel 
lines,  198. 


Candles  : rows  of  short  vertical  lines  resting 
on  a horizontal  line,  198,  200  ; descending 
lines  with  short  cross-lines  in  the  upper 
part,  on  a back-shield,  198. 

A cave  : an  irregular  figure  painted  blue,  41. 

Drinking-gourd  of  a god  : a cavity  in  the 
centre  of  his  disk,  28. 

God-houses  : irregular  figures  composed  of 
curved  and  barbed  lines,  202. 

Money  : red  crosses,  37,  39. 

Rattle  of  the  rattlesnake  : zigzag  line  (on  ser- 
pent sticks  and  tobacco-gourds),  193,  194. 

Royal  eagle : 

wing  and  tail  feathers  of,  slanting  parallel 
lines,  27. 

spread  wings  of,  four  parallel  lines,  33. 

plumes  of,  curved  barbed  lines,  202. 

Hawk-feathers  : short  blue  radial  lines  sur- 
rounding circular  figures  representing  the 
sun,  38. 

Shaman  : shamanistic  powers  of  the  sun,  plumes 
and  ‘ eyes,’  121,  154. 


ERRATA. 

p.  10,  nth  line,  ‘Lajas’  should  read  ‘ Latas. ’ 

p.  22,  5th  line,  ‘Grandfather  P'ire  ’ should  read  ‘Father  Sun.’ 

p.  79,  9th  line  from  bottom,  ‘mules’  should  read  ‘keeping  mules.’ 

p.  1 16,  9th  line  from  bottom,  ‘except  two  ’ should  read  ‘except  two  animals.’ 

p.  134,  7th  line  from  bottom,  ‘all  colors  of  corn  ’ should  read  ‘ corn  of  all  colors.’ 

p.  183,  6th  line,  ‘left  foot’  should  read  ‘ right  foot.’ 


PLATE  I. 


Memoirs  Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Vol.  III.  Plate  I. 


Fig.  i.  Temple  and  God-Houses  at  Santa  Catarina. 


Fig.  2.  God-Houses  at  Teaka'ta. 


Symbolism  of  the  Huiehol  Indians 


. 


PLATE  II. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  II. 


Fig.  2. 

Fig.  2.  Lower  Side  of  Disk  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau')  : a , Sun  at  noon  ; />,  Sun  in  the  east, 
with  fringe  of  hawk-plumes;  c.  Sun  in  the  south,  with  fringe  of  hawk-plumes;  d , Sun 
in  the  north,  with  fringe  of  hawk-plumes  ; e,  Sun  in  the  west,  with  fringe  of  hawk- 
plumes  ; y,  Male  red-tailed  hawk  ; g,  Female  red-tailed  hawk  ; /z,  Morning  star  ; z,  Male 
scorpion  ; Female  scorpion  ; /£,  Tail-feathers  of  red-tailed  hawk  ; /,  Breast-feathers 
of  red-tailed  hawk  ; z/z,  Money  ; zz,  Swallow  ; <?,  /,  A bird,  and  tree  on  which  the  bird 
will  alight  • »7,  Cardinal-bird  ; z%  Lightning  ; s,  Rain  ; z4,  zz,  v , The  serpent  Tate' 
Ipou,  coiled  and  creeping.  Cat.  No.  ylys- 


Fig.  3.  Upper  Side  of  Disk  of  Setting  Sun  (Sakaimo'ka) : 
zz,  Front-shield  of  Setting  Sun  ; b,  Plumes  ; c.  Tail- 
feathers  of  a large  wader  ; z/,  Water-bugs  ; f,  Votive 
bowls  ; y,  Earth  with  corn-plants.  Cat.  No. 


Fig.  4.  Lower  Side  of  Disk  of  Setting  Sun  (Sakaimo'ka) : 
zz,  Parrot  ; b , Caves  at  Mesa  del  Nayarit  ; zr,  Serpent  ; d , 
Serpent  representing  the  sky  ; e , Grains  of  corn  ; y,  Water- 
serpent  ; g.  Root  of  squash-plant  ; h , Root  of  bean-plant. 
Cat.  No.  Tlf7. 


Memoirs  Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Vol.  III. 


Plate  II. 


Symbolism  of  the  Huiehol  Indians. 


THE.  MELIOTYPE  PRINTING  CO.,  BOSTON. 


PLATE  III. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  III. 


Figs.  i-8.  Ceremonial  arrows  of  the  Huichols,  Santa  Catarina. 

1.  Arrow  of  Grandfather  Fire.  Cat.  No.  T-ffT. 

2.  Arrow  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau').  Cat.  No.  T|-§T. 

3.  Arrow  of  the  Setting  Sun.  Cat.  No.  yff2. 

4.  Arrow  of  Elder  Brother.  Cat.  No.  y-ff-g-. 

5.  Arrow  of  the  Corn  Mother.  Cat.  No.  yfl-y. 

6.  Arrow  of  Mother  East-Water,  with  spots  of  various  colors,  which  indicate  flowers. 

Cat.  No.  yTinr* 

7.  Arrow  of  Mother  West-Water.  Cat.  No.  y-f|y. 

8.  Arrow  of  Haita'neka.  Cat.  No.  yf-f-g-. 


Figs.  9-13.  Ceremonial  arrows  of  the  Cora,  from  a cave  near  Mesa  del  Nayarit,  as  interpreted  by 
a Huichol  shaman. 


9.  Arrow  of  Grandfather  Fire.  Upper  and  lower  sections  represent  sparks  of  Grand- 
father Fire  ; middle  section,  wristlet  of  Grandfather  Fire.  Cat.  No.  yff-g-. 

10.  Arrow  of  Father  Sun  (Tayau').  Upper  and  lower  sections  represent  blood  of  the  deer 

and  prayer  for  life;  middle  section,  hi'kuli.  Cat.  No. 

11.  Arrow  of  Setting  Sun.  All  sections  represent  west  ; middle  section,  also  a wristlet  of 

the  god.  Cat.  No.  yffy. 

12.  Arrow  of  Elder  Brother.  Upper  section  represents  blood  of  the  deer  ; the  two  lower 

sections,  hi'kuli.  Cat.  No.  yf|y. 

13.  Arrow  of  Mother  West-Water.  Upper  section  represents  east  ; middle  section,  middle 

region  ; lower  section,  west.  Cat.  No.  AHA- 


Memoirs  Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Vol.  III. 


Plate  III. 


Symbolism  of  the  Huiehol  Indians. 


the:  HELIOTYPE  PRINTING  CO..  BOSTON. 


■ 


PLATE  IV. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  IV. 


Ceremonial  Arrows  with  Attached  Cakes,  from  Santa  Catarina. 

Fig.  i.  Arrow  and  Cakes  of  Grandfather  Fire.  Cat.  No.  ■ A jj 4 . 
Fig.  2.  Arrow  and  Cakes  of  the  Sun  (Tayau').  Cat.  No. 

Fig.  3.  Arrow  and  Cakes  of  Elder  Brother.  Cat.  No. 

Fig.  4.  Arrow  and  Cakes  of  the  Corn  Mother.  Cat.  No.  PHh- 
Fig.  5.  Arrow  and  Cakes  of  Mother  East-Water.  Cat.  No.  Tff o'- 


Memoirs  Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Vol.  Ill 


Plate  IV. 


Symbolism  of  the  Huichol  Indians. 


THE  HELIOTYPE  PRINTING  CO..  BOSTON. 


% 


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